CARBON FOOTPRINT THESIS/ANTITHESIS SYNTHESis HEGELIAN DIALECTIC

This is the *hypothetical* onset of the deadly racist carbon footprint:

  • A man discovers that human movement emits a shred of carbon into environment.
  • Man walks to his neighbor’s house to knock on the door to tell him of this discovery.
  • Neighbor drives to nearest town hall to inform them of this discovery.
  • Town Hall people begin to spread this information to the zoning board, the school board, the fire & police departments, etc. Their message is spread using electronic and paper (mail, pamphlets, etc) methods.
  • The people running for a political office in this small town ALL declare a position on needing to raise awareness to the domestic extremist carbon footprint. They know the voters in the town are old school. They read their mail. Therefore ALL of the candidates incorporate the supremacist carbon footprint allowance into their mailings of pamphlets to the voters.
  • The message is resonating across the globohomophilanthrocapitalist sphere.
  • Each and every last physical publication still in existence – newspapers, magazines, books – town, city, county, state, country, continent, global – are all yapping about the fascist, Nazi, KKK carbon footprint. Infact, in order to stay relevant, they must capitalize upon the carbon grift .
  • Conferences, award shows, meetings, stage performances, broadcasts, everything all over the place (with many of the speakers/curators/performers flying in on their own jets)…all preaching holy Carbon wokeness.
  • The supranational, globalist machine sees the value of this White Christian American Carbon footprint. Dow Jones 30/Fortune 500/Russell 2000 etc companies all begin baking the grift into their corporate policy.
  • The Union of International Associations, distributes decades of propaganda to their hundreds of thousands of members and the awareness is enhanced within ground level civic, professional, academic, artistic and scientific associations messaging and events.
  • On and on and on it goes.
  • There is no consideration given to…..

The fact that the very messaging of the awareness of the so-called domestic extremist White Constitutional Carbon Footprint is having the very adverse, dangerous, seismic impact on the environment that they are supposedly advocating against.

BEHOLD: THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD PROBLEMS & HUMAN POTENTIAL • Risk of Eco-Accidents

“The Great Work” = Enabled by Climate Emergency

Source: http://encyclopedia.uia.org/en/problem/132519

Risk of Eco-Accidents:

NATURE: Abrupt and widespread discontinuities exist in the fossil record of fauna and are considered evidence of widespread mass extinction of species. These low frequency events have been attributed to fluctuations in sea level, reversals of the geomagnetic fields (exposing the earth’s surface to lethal radiation), impacts of the earth by very large meteors (putting tons of dust into the atmosphere cutting off photosynthesis) and supernovae (causing catastrophic but temporary climate changes). There are also a range of potential man-made ecocatastrophes, such as triggering an earthquake with a an underground nuclear explosion. In addition, there are other more fantastic possibilities. The sun will expand into a red star engulfing Mercury and Venus and melting lead on the Earth. The moon can fall to earth, a comet, a swarm of meteorites or a black hole could collide with the earth. The earth will eventually loose its atmosphere. A life form might evolve destroying all of humankind.

This is the source material for the United Nations Agenda 2030 – the 17 Sustainable Development Goals. The carrying out of the implementation of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals is the partnership formed between the United Nations and the World Economic Forum known as “The Great Reset”…

See where this Masonic aptitude takes us…

FDA Asks Federal Judge to Grant it Until the Year 2076 to Fully Release Pfizer’s COVID-19 Vaccine Data • Injecting Freedom

Source: https://aaronsiri.substack.com/p/fda-asks-federal-judge-to-grant-it


The fed gov’t shields Pfizer from liability. Gives it billions of dollars. Makes Americans take its product. But won’t let you see the data supporting its safety/efficacy. Who does the gov’t work for?

The FDA has asked a federal judge to make the public wait until the year 2076 to disclose all of the data and information it relied upon to license Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine. That is not a typo. It wants 55 years to produce this information to the public.

As explained in a prior article, the FDA repeatedly promised “full transparency” with regard to Covid-19 vaccines, including reaffirming “the FDA’s commitment to transparency” when licensing Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine.

With that promise in mind, in August and immediately following approval of the vaccine, more than 30 academics, professors, and scientists from this country’s most prestigious universities requested the data and information submitted to the FDA by Pfizer to license its COVID-19 vaccine.

The FDA’s response? It produced nothing. So, in September, my firm filed a lawsuit against the FDA on behalf of this group to demand this information. To date, almost three months after it licensed Pfizer’s vaccine, the FDA still has not released a single page. Not one.

Instead, two days ago, the FDA asked a federal judge to give it until 2076 to fully produce this information. The FDA asked the judge to let it produce the 329,000+ pages of documents Pfizer provided to the FDA to license its vaccine at the rate of 500 pages per month, which means its production would not be completed earlier than 2076. The FDA’s promise of transparency is, to put it mildly, a pile of illusions.

It took the FDA precisely 108 days from when Pfizer started producing the records for licensure (on May 7, 2021) to when the FDA licensed the Pfizer vaccine (on August 23, 2021). Taking the FDA at its word, it conducted an intense, robust, thorough, and complete review and analysis of those documents in order to assure that the Pfizer vaccine was safe and effective for licensure. While it can conduct that intense review of Pfizer’s documents in 108 days, it now asks for over 20,000 days to make these documents available to the public.

So, let’s get this straight. The federal government shields Pfizer from liability. Gives it billions of dollars. Makes Americans take its product. But won’t let you see the data supporting its product’s safety and efficacy. Who does the government work for?

The lesson yet again is that civil and individual rights should never be contingent upon a medical procedure. Everyone who wants to get vaccinated and boosted should be free to do so. But nobody should be coerced by the government to partake in any medical procedure. Certainly not one where the government wants to hide the full information relied upon for its licensure until the year 2076!

Tricks of the Trade: Structuring Events and Transactions Around a Nonprofit’s Reception of a Charitable Contribution to Mask Conflicts of Interest and the Capitalization of Nepotism

By: Muunyayo

Note: these four diagrams I made for the purpose of this demonstration are used in a zoomed in presentation further into the blog post.

The Bottom Line:

Upon disbursement of the cash proceeds to an NPO to meet the pledge of a charitable contribution by another business entity, the round-robin begins in terms of the pass through of that very cash within the realm of the Nonprofit(NPO) world and it’s vendors, creditors, donors and beyond. And I am going to show you how charitable contributions made to these tax exempt NPOs generate more than just virtue signaling clout (for donating to “a good cause”) and a tax deduction to be used to offset taxable income for the entity making the donation. The following is a simple diagram of the clockwork-like movement of the cash donation (as you read on, you will be blown away how this – with all of its conflicts of interest) – is achieved through the manipulation of regulatory compliance loopholes that are exploited in a manner to such a tactful, involved degree – that the IRS simply does not have the investigative capacity to detect and investigate conflicts of interest that arise between related parties.

The following diagram is the simplistic summary of the dissection of the anatomy of how this round-robin of the cash donation made by the for-profit entity (earning them an income tax benefit) – how this cash quite literally returns to them during the ordinary course of business operations:

Note here that we have a conglomerate making a donation to an NPO, the NPO has rent to pay, its rent is paid to a separate conglomerate. The first conglomerate – the one that made the donation – performed consulting services for the landlord of the NPO. In essence – the donation has moved in circular direction, right back into the coffers of the source of the donation. The IRS (as well as the Attorney General’s offices at the state level) call this a conflict of interest. This chart is a primer, to illustrate to the reader a simple view of what is at play. I am going to show you the innards; the guts, of how this is pulled off.

Globalization and the Financialization of the US Economy

The business community at large, both Wall Street and ‘Main Street”, has undergone radical, disruptive change at an exponential rate in the last 30+/+ years. Globalization is the term that sums it up best. Through globalization, the world has witnessed the evisceration of the middle class (small businesses swallowed up by the likes of Walmart), the funneling of financial capital poured into and under control of the BlackRock, Vanguard and State Street holy trinity of fuckery, the fiat-based world reserve currency, the USD, rely more and more to its Petrodollar tether -and we have begun to see the multipolarity (China-Russia-Iran-Syria asymmetrical defense against Neo-Liberal policy), the exportation of manufacturing and industry labor from the US to areas across the globe – further erasing America’s middle class.

The global financial system has a billion guns firing rounds at the encroaching outside world attempts to get close to any reform. And the system’s ammunition supply is eternal.

We have also learned (beyond the 2008 financial crisis) of the elaborate schemes of the greedy Think Bernie Madoff ponzi scheme, where some $65 BILLION disappeared in thin air. Then Enron’s labyrinth of subsidiary “variable interest entities” that kept the SEVENTH MOST VALUABLE company on the planet afloat until the charade came crashing down like a lead zeppelin and with it wiped out employee benefit pension funds. It is also of extreme importance to note how Arthur Anderson LLP, Enron’s financial statement auditor, in an aggregation of rogue behavior of which the sum forced the firm (then one of the “Big Five” global public accounting firms) to lose its licenses as certified public accountants in all 50 states here in the US. Funnily enough, the remnants of Arthur Anderson LLP is now known as the global risk management behemoth Accenture (yes that Accenture – one of Klaus Schwab’s “yes men” for the Great Reset project.

The global financial Rabbical class does not face repercussions from the regulatory compliance federal agencies (ie IRS, SEC) as it has continued where 2008 left off – only this time, circa current year, since the likes of JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, HSBC, Citigroup, etc have adapted to the preferences of Twitter Blue Checks – sponsoring, promoting and injecting charitable contributions into the SJW causes of BLM, LBGTQ+++ and “ESG” (Environmental, Social, Governance) disclosures to their results of operations, much to the delight of the Church of the Woke, to Davos and to shitbags like Chuck Schumer, Elizabeth Warren, Skate, Time Magazine, AOC, GQ Magazine, The View, CNN, Nancy Pelosi, NASA, Code Pink, countless genderfluid queers (since the aforementioned financial institutions human resource policies on diversity mirror the sentiments of the book “White Fragility.”

Globalization has left the world unrecognizable to the eyes of someone from 1954, if that person had a time machine and came to 2021 and saw the delights of Clown World’s Piss Earth and all of its glory. We know these things. The objective of this bog post is to demonstrate little known (to the ordinary people) some of the financial chicanery that is heavily capitalized upon by the global financial philanthro-capitalist elite.

The True Beneficiaries of Tax Exempt Paradigm

Since the financial institutions and private equity firms, in aggregate, through the process of gradualization, have procured enough shares in the companies of the S&P 500 that they have a material ownership in these businesses when viewing this financial mafia as a collective. Classic weapons of momentum based trading are rigged to work in their favor. For instance, speculation, arbitrage, futures, options, other derivatives – the movement of these mechanisms are often driven by a predetermined course of action put in play by the major shareholders, more over, by the institutions that own and operate the financial capital infrastructure that investment activity is conducted upon.

Ownership and Cumulative Voting

An aspect that the the shoddy, shitty, oven-tier “financial reporting” done by the likes of shitlib websites like Quartz, Buzzfeed, Slate, Salon, Mother Jones – how even Business Insider, NY Times, Washington Post, etc – even CNBC Financial News spends very little emphasis on the non-financial advantage that a large stake of ownership of shares in a publicly traded company affords the owners: VOTING – that is, each share represents a vote in the direction of the affairs on the company in a process called cumulative voting. The scope of what types of changes in the direction of a company are decided at shareholder quorums is far too detailed to examine for the sake of this exercise. One of the typical critical outcomes of a shareholder total vote is the appointment of the Board of the Directors.

Primary Distinction: For-Profit v Nonprofit

  • A for-profit business carries out business operations with the objective to maximize shareholder wealth. In a for-profit company, the objective of conducting business operations is to maximize shareholder wealth. Through the cumulative, shareholder voting, the Board of Directors is appointed. Keep in mind that the majority shareholders (who can coordinate alliances with other significant shareholders who share the same vision for the immediate direction of the company both have invested in) a Director can be elected who is actually one of those shareholders or who works on behalf of those very shareholders). Thus we have a consortium of investors with an a shared philosophical vision of how the company partially under their ownership should be run.
  • A nonprofit business carries out business operations with the objective of supporting its “Mission Statement.” The Mission Statement is the formal and specific reason for the NPO’s creation in the first place. The Mission Statement is the humanitarian/charitable/etc cause the NPO is serving. For example, the objective of helping people that are homeless to obtain access to food, medical services, temporary shelter and ultimately a place to call home – this is the Mission Statement of the NPO. The NPO is in operation to achieve the Mission Statement.

More Financial Napalm

To continue, the lesser known yet highly abused financial weapons of Wall Street include the use of insider information, lobbying to persuade and gain political clout, exotic derivatives (which are no different than gambling, frankly). In the private equity realm there are constant hostile takeovers, mergers/acquisitions/divestures, the use of litigation to seize the intellectual property of businesses that are the targets of takeovers. Allow us not to omit the off-shore treasury mechanisms that are employed as standard operating procedure in circumventing income tax liabilities and also in shielding the identities – through a network of dormant corporate entities connected to other dormant entities- the true owners of business operations engaging in questionable business ethics.

Well of course they are! That’s exactly how the financial ruling class became and maintains their stature as the financial ruling class – manipulation of loopholes, bending the interpretation of business laws – this is what the high powered international litigation attorneys are paid for…to protect the actions of the BlackRocks, the Bains and the Boston Consulting Consulting Group from being penalized.

With regards to the weapons of financial capital, the weapons cache has no end.

The Nonprofit Organization (NPO), too is a Weapon of Financialization courtesy of Globalization. How did this happen?

The nonprofit business entity is another one of these weapons, it is well known, that for-profit corporations, wealthy individuals, “philanthropists” will make charitable contributions to tax exempt organizations that will serve the aim of appearing to “support noble causes” in tandem with generating an alleviation of income tax liabilities – “charitable contributions eligible for tax deductions.” It is here that I will illustrate to you a much more potent explosivity that the realm of nonprofit world provides to its participants.

Brief Outline of the Nonprofit (NPO) and Tax Exemption

The NPO gains an income tax exempt status because it is a business operation that is for a charitable cause. The NPO is operating for the common good, therefore, imposing income tax stipulations would hinder the ability of the NPO to serve that purpose.

There is a common misconception that the NPO is “nonprofit” because it does not “make any money.” This is not the case – the NPO most certainly generates profits, however, there are no owners of the NPO. There are no shareholders.

Structuring the Weapon Deployment

In this example, there are three primary business entities involved:

  1. The Charitable Contributor: a For-Profit professional services parent company – the company holds the ownership of two specific subsidiary operations,one a business advisory firm, the other a risk management firm.
  2. Receiver of the Charitable Contribution: Nonprofit Entity (with Tax Exempt status.)
  3. For-profit property investment parent company – the company holds the ownership of three subsidiaries; a real estate holding company, a property management company and a valuation firm.

The above diagram indicates the basic organizational charts and layout of the three entities.

Sequence of Events and Transactions:

In my professional experience as an auditor of the financial statements, it was quite common to see interplay between the different businesses, as one would serve the other in the capacities such as vendor, creditor, client, landlord, etc. I have placed numbers next to each KEY EVENT – of which the first conflict of interest sets in motion a manipulative scheme which intertwines “Related Parties” that ultimately conduct transactions with one another.

Structuring the Rogue Events (arrangements)

The diagram illustrates the flow of events (of which underlying assumptions will be explained below in further detail:

Diagram: Events (decision making capacity shifts, obligations created, contracts executed):

  1. The Property Investment conglomerate owns and operates it’s three subsidiary operations. The subsidiary of focus here is the Valuation Co. The underlying assumption is that each specific operation has its own Executive Management group, which answers to the Board of Directors at the parent level. An Executive from the Valuation Firm is appointed to the Board of Directors of the the Risk Management subsidiary of the Professional Services Conglomerate.
  2. The Board of Directors makes the broad based decisions about the best direction for the business entity to take. This includes decisions about Charitable Contributions – if to make them, to which Nonprofit to make them to, the amount to donate, etc. It is not a secret that nepotism plays a most significant role in terms of which NPO is selected as the beneficiary of a charitable contribution. Two benefits realized by the donor by making the donation are:
    • Income Tax Deduction for the fiscal year.
    • Virtue signaling clout by supporting charitable cause.
  3. In the example I have illustrated, we have see that the management executive of the Valuation Co has joined the Board of Directors of the Professional Services Conglomerate. With nepotism a factor, with persuasive efforts, this Executive has gotten the Board of Directors to make the charitable contribution to the particular nonprofit. The process here will include alot of back channel communications – in order to avoid documentation of the gleaming conflict of interest that will arise from the following arrangements.
  4. The grant letter with the pledge to make the grant can contain a provision that the proceeds of the grant must be used for the rent of office space for the NPO. This is a temporarily restricted form of revenue for the NPO.
    • It is, again, during the back channel communications that there is a determination made in advance that in order for the NPO to recieve this charitable contribution, it must sign a lease agreement for office space with the subsidiary “Real Estate Holding Co”
    • Notice thru the direction of the red arrows that the Executive from the Valuation Co (subsidiary of the Property Investment Conglomerate Parent Company) had been instrumental in bringing this deal into the fold.
    • The major conflict of interest is that he is on the Board of Directors of the company making the charitable contribution. A stipulation of the use of the cash disbursement that will come from the contribution is that the funds must be allocated towards the eventual lease payments made for office space – office space owned by the Real Estate Holding Co, which is owned by the same parent company as the Valuation Co. the Executive comes from!!!
  5. Finally, there is a consulting agreement entered into between the Property Management subsidiary of the Property Investment Parent Company and the Business Advisory firm of the Professional Services Parent Company making the charitable contribution.
    • The flow of the charitable contribution to be transacted in the first place (due to the Executive from the Valuation Co presence on the Board of Directors of the Risk Management subsidiary of the Professional Services Parent Company ) is going from the Professional Services Parent Company, to the NPO, to the Real Estate Holding Co – a subsidiary of the Property Investment Parent Company.
    • The consulting agreement has the Business Advisory Firm performing services for the Property Management subsidiary of the Property Investment Parent Company (which through the consolidation of subsidiaries into the parent company, is in essence the recipient of the rents received from the NPO).

The following diagram is the path of the cash proceeds – once disbursement of the charitable contribution has been made. The path of the cash proceeds follows the same route as the preceding events(arrangements) only green arrows are used to designate the fact that cash is now on the move.

Finally, we see that the entity that made the charitable contribution has not only wound up as an ultimate beneficiary of the arrangement – having cash it donated having a destination within the very coffers of the point of origination. We also see that the contribution itself generated an income tax benefit (taxable income deduction) that will be able to be utilized at the time of filing the annual income tax return.

Conclusion: all three top level entities benefit:

  1. Property Investment Conglomerate:
    • Procures Board of Directors position on a major Professional Services Conglomerate’s upper echelon. This is the type of networking that allows for the type of related party transactions with glaring conflicts of interest to persist and persist – to the point they become normalized and overlooked by the regulatory compliance outfit designed to prevent these arrangements (the IRS).
    • In having it’s Real Estate Holding Co have one of its properties rented out by the NPO, this covers the costs associated with the operation and the attainment of the equity in the office building (we assume there is a mortgage being paid on the office space).
    • By leasing office space to the NPO, it is scoring it’s virtue signaling clout hosting a “worthy cause” – which in the world of NPOs, curries good favor with the potential of procuring other NPO tenants in the future.
    • The services rendered by the Business Advisory Firm of the Professional Services Conglomerate enhanced the operations of the Property Management subsidiary, resulting in another value add.
  2. NPO (Tax Exempt):
    • The NPO has established a relationship with a new charitable contributor, which is the most vital aspect to the going concern. The NPO is reliant upon grants, contributions, donations and minor service fees earned as forms of revenue to carry out it’s mission statement for the fiscal year.
    • The tendency in the realm of NPOs is that once serious For-profit business operations are making charitable contributions to an NPO, it is a rule of thumb that in the future more and more reputable entities will take an interest in the making charitable contributions as well (and keep in mind the clandestine inner-deals arranged by the parties involved – THIS IS THE MOST ATTRACTIVE FEATURE OF THE NPO! THE ABILITY TO STRUCTURE ROGUE FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS UNDER THE GUISE OF CHARITY!!!)
  3. Professional Services Conglomerate:
    • What more needs to be said here? The company made a charitable contribution (which as a bonus has afforded them a year-end income tax deduction) – the cash proceeds went round robin and through the structure of subsidiary operations and consolidation of the operating results of those subsidiaries – the charitable contribution disbursed by them literally went round robin and wound right back in their pocket.
    • All the while, they earned the virtue signaling clout, they learned the racket inside and out and to top it off they will get an additional income tax liability reduction at year-end.

These types of arrangements exists throughout the entire NPO world. It is a subject rarely ever discussed – for many and most of the current “Fortune 500/Davos” types are in on it ….not just in on it….they pioneered this craft.

Made in America. Meticulously planned and carefully executed inter-related events and transactions that purposely manipulate and abuse the landscape of the tax exempt business world.

The ride never ends….

Lügenpresse!!! New York Times Attempting to Attribute Recent Storms to “Climate Change”

This is an example of the Virus-Cyber-Climate emergency fear mechanisms at work. The New York Times is part of the mainstream media apparatus, which is one of the tentacles of the globalist, Zionist, technocratic oligarchy that wishes to instill the FEAR into ALL OF YOU. It’s latest iteration comes:

This is the article: https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.nytimes.com/2021/10/27/us/cape-cod-noreaster.amp.html

A few quotes from the article:

Officials in the area had moved quickly to prepare for the nor’easter, in part scarred by the intensity of several storms this summer that exposed the region’s vulnerability to extreme weather events made more frequent and intense by climate change.

from NY Times article

And this quote:

Someday maybe we’ll just have a regular rainstorm. We don’t seem to get those much anymore,” Joseph Fiordaliso, who leads New Jersey’s utility board, said at a news conference on Tuesday, adding, “Climate change is real, and we have to work to mitigate as much of it as we possibly can.”

from NY Times article

These storms – and storms themselves have been in existence since FOREVER. Whether one ascribes to Christian doctrine, or to perhaps one is well acquainted with the Celts, amongst many others I could write here, storms have been in existence since ancient times.

I’ve been alive since 1979 and we have had a shit-ton of storms since then in New England. I’ve lived in New England for some 32 of my 42 years (living elsewhere in the world for work purposes the other ten years – of which storms occured in those places I lived too)…

The Great Reset is meme’ing any/all weather events as abnormalities that are due to “climate change”.

Just so all of you know, the idea of using climate change (an environmental emergency) was conceived by the globalist consortium known as the Club of Rome, I’ve written about them here:

I have also shared information on my blog about MIKHAIL GORBACHEV, yes him, as he stated in 1996 that the possibility of an environmental emergency would we manipulated to usher in a New World Order:

With the hoax of a climate change emergency, they will ultimately tell you the earth will burn up beneath your feet if you do not surrender your rights to private property ownership. If the sheep give in to this? Well, they will find a new home in the smart cities grid (one of the clearcut objectives of Agenda 2030’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals). Through this barrage of propaganda, soon enough the people will be begging for a breathe of fresh air from an eye dropper and Rabbi Klaus Schwab makes that decision.

If you think I am being obtuse then I suggest you return to watching Don Lemon or Rachel Maddow, or David Rubin and Ben Shapiro, whatever keeps you comfortable.

The NY Times is under control of the global financial system. How? Through:

  • Ownership of stock (equity)
  • Stock ownership affords VOTING RIGHTS
  • The Voting Rights are utilized at shareholder meetings
  • At these meetings is where major issues of the viability, financial well-being and other important matters are brought up and voted upon
  • It is at these meeting that members of the Board of Directors are appointed
  • Presence on the Board of Directors – a shareholder can be appointed to the Board (ie a financial institution from BlackRock, or Goldman Sachs, or Comcast, or a private equity firm – can become a Director)
  • Directors are responsible for appointing the Executive Management (ie CEO, CFO, COO) which carry out operations of the business entity
  • Take a look at the current NY Times Board: https://www.nytco.com/board-of-directors/

I wanted to make a simple blog post therefore I did not cut and paste the BoD here but from the page I can tell you these truths about the Directors:

  • Mostly Jewish
  • Ties to these companies:
    • Facebook
    • Microsoft
    • Google
    • Verizon
    • JP Morgan
    • Aspen Institute
    • GoDaddy
    • Harvard College
    • Columbia University
    • Ernst & Young LLP
    • Clinton administration
    • A slew of venture capital and private equity firms

Have a look at the Board of Directors yourself:

https://www.nytco.com/board-of-directors/

It is also important to note here that the New York Times in it’s history has had Directors, Executives, Editors, Journalists and other employees that have been members of the globalist one world order La Kosher Nostra type of organizations like the World Jewish Congress and B’nai B’rith. Also the spooky groups like the Bilderberg Group and the Trilateral Commission. And the Think Tanks like the CFR, Brookings Institute, Cato Institute, Heritage Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Carnegie Endowment, Ford Foundation, Christopher Lloyd Foundation (yes 88mph that Christopher Lloyd), Atlantic Council, etc.

And please keep in mind the networking that occurs amongst the NY Times with the entire industry.

This is how Climate Change Emergency becomes the weapon!!!

The entities I listed are all members of the World Economic Forum. The World Economic Forum was founded by Klaus Schwab. The World Economic Forum entered into a partnership with the United Nations in June of 2019, a strategic partnership. What was the intent of this partnership?

To summarize; The partnership was created in order for the World Economic Forum to carry out the implementation of the United Nation’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals, contained within Agenda 2030. The realization of Agenda 2030 is underway under the scheme called The Great Reset.

This blog post I wrote gives tremendous detail. I put alot of effort into it. Please read it if you want to discover the recent origins of The Great Reset:

I am 42 years old and it is commonplace to have Nor’easter storms. They have occured throughout New England and the northeast portion of the United States (and also affecting Canada – and other places) since – since FOREVER.

The Jew York Times is meme’ing together the phenom known as nature with their climate hoax. Storms have been happening since forever!!

Every storm = climate change. Because the Jews say so.

Lügenpresse!!!

Thermonuclear Cyberwar • JournaL of Cybersecurity

Journal of Cybersecurity, Volume 3, Issue 1, March 2017, Pages 37–48, https://doi.org/10.1093/cybsec/tyw017

By: Erik Gartzke & Jon R. Lindsay

Abstract
Nuclear command and control increasingly relies on computing networks that might be vulnerable to cyber attack. Yet nuclear deterrence and cyber operations have quite different political properties. For the most part, nuclear actors can openly advertise their weapons to signal the costs of aggression to potential adversaries, thereby reducing the danger of misperception and war. Cyber actors, in contrast, must typically hide their capabilities, as revelation allows adversaries to patch, reconfigure, or otherwise neutralize the threat. Offensive cyber operations are better used than threatened, while the opposite, fortunately, is true for nuclear weapons. When combined, the warfighting advantages of cyber operations become dangerous liabilities for nuclear deterrence. Increased uncertainty about the nuclear/cyber balance of power raises the risk of miscalculation during a brinksmanship crisis. We should expect strategic stability in nuclear dyads to be, in part, a function of relative offensive and defensive cyber capacity. To reduce the risk of crisis miscalculation, states should improve rather than degrade mutual understanding of their nuclear deterrents.


Introduction
In the 1983 movie WarGames, a teenager hacks into the North American Air Defense Command (NORAD) and almost triggers World War III. After a screening of the film, President Ronald Reagan allegedly asked his staff, “Could something like this really happen?” The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff replied, “Mr. President, the problem is much worse than you think.” The National Security Agency (NSA) had been hacking Russian and Chinese communications for years, but the burgeoning personal computer revolution was creating serious vulnerabilities for the United States too. Reagan directed a series of reviews that culminated in a classified national security decision directive (NSDD-145) entitled “National Policy on Telecommunications and Automated Information Systems Security.” More alarmist studies, and potential remedies, emerged in recent decades as technicians and policymakers came to appreciate the evolving threat [1–3].

Cyber warfare is routinely overhyped as a new weapon of mass destruction, but when used in conjunction with actual weapons of mass destruction, severe, and underappreciated, dangers emerge. One side of a stylized debate about cybersecurity in international relations argues that offensive advantages in cyberspace empower weaker nations, terrorist cells, or even lone rogue operators to paralyze vital infrastructure [4–8]. The other side argues that operational difficulties and effective deterrence restrains the severity of cyber attack, while governments and cybersecurity firms have a pecuniary interest in exaggerating the threat [9–13]. Although we have contributed to the skeptical side of this debate [14–16], the same strategic logic that leads us to view cyberwar as a limited political instrument in most situations also leads us to view it as incredibly destabilizing in rare situations. In a recent Israeli wargame of a regional scenario involving the United States and Russia, one participant remarked on “how quickly localized cyber events can turn dangerously kinetic when leaders are ill-prepared to deal in the cyber domain” [17]. Importantly, this sort of catalytic instability arises not from the cyber domain itself but through its interaction with forces and characteristics in other domains (land, sea, air, etc.). Further, it arises only in situations where actors possess, and are willing to use, robust traditional military forces to defend their interests.

Classical deterrence theory developed to explain nuclear deterrence with nuclear weapons, but different types of weapons or combinations of operations in different domains can have differential effects on deterrence and defense [18, 19]. Nuclear weapons and cyber operations are particularly complementary (i.e. nearly complete opposites) with respect to their strategic characteristics. Theorists and practitioners have stressed the unprecedented destructiveness of nuclear weapons in explaining how nuclear deterrence works, but it is equally, if not more, important for deterrence that capabilities and intentions are clearly communicated. As quickly became apparent, public displays of their nuclear arsenals improved deterrence. At the same time, disclosing details of a nation’s nuclear capabilities did not much degrade the ability to strike or retaliate, given that defense against nuclear attack remains extremely difficult. Knowledge of nuclear capabilities is necessary to achieve a deterrent effect [20]. Cyber operations, in contrast, rely on undisclosed vulnerabilities, social engineering, and creative guile to generate indirect effects in the information systems that coordinate military, economic, and social behavior. Revelation enables crippling countermeasures, while the imperative to conceal capabilities constrains both the scope of cyber operations and their utility for coercive signaling [21, 22]. The diversity of cyber operations and confusion about their effects also contrast with the obvious destructiveness of nuclear weapons.

The problem is that transparency and deception do not mix well. An attacker who hacks an adversary’s nuclear command and control apparatus, or the weapons themselves, will gain an advantage in warfighting that the attacker cannot reveal, while the adversary will continue to believe it wields a deterrent that may no longer exist. Most analyses of inadvertent escalation from cyber or conventional to nuclear war focus on “use it or lose it” pressures and fog of war created by attacks that become visible to the target [23, 24]. In a US–China conflict scenario, for example, conventional military strikes in conjunction with cyber attacks that blind sensors and confuse decision making could generate incentives for both sides to rush to preempt or escalate [25–27]. These are plausible concerns, but the revelation of information about a newly unfavorable balance of power might also cause hesitation and lead to compromise. Cyber blinding could potentially make traditional offensive operations more difficult, shifting the advantage to defenders and making conflict less likely.

Clandestine attacks that remain invisible to the target potentially present a more insidious threat to crisis stability. There are empirical and theoretical reasons for taking seriously the effects of offensive cyber operations on nuclear deterrence, and we should expect the dangers to vary with the relative cyber capabilities of the actors in a crisis interaction.

Nuclear command and control vulnerability

General Robert Kehler, commander of US Strategic Command (STRATCOM) in 2013, stated in testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, “we are very concerned with the potential of a cyber-related attack on our nuclear command and control and on the weapons systems themselves” [28]. Nuclear command, control, and communications (NC3) form the nervous system of the nuclear enterprise spanning intelligence and early warning sensors located in orbit and on Earth, fixed and mobile command and control centers through which national leadership can order a launch, operational nuclear forces including strategic bombers, land-based intercontinental missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and the communication and transportation networks that tie the whole apparatus together [29, 30]. NC3 should ideally ensure that nuclear forces will always be available if authorized by the National Command Authority (to enhance deterrence) and never used without authorization (to enhance safety and reassurance). Friendly errors or enemy interference in NC3 can undermine the “always-never” criterion, weakening deterrence [31, 32].

NC3 has long been recognized as the weakest link in the US nuclear enterprise. According to a declassified official history, a Strategic Air Command (SAC) task group in 1979 “reported that tactical warning and communications systems … were ‘fragile’ and susceptible to electronic countermeasures, electromagnetic pulse, and sabotage, which could deny necessary warning and assessment to the National Command Authorities” [33]. Two years later, the Principal Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering released a broad-based, multiservice report that doubled down on SAC’s findings: “the United States could not assure survivability, endurability, or connectivity of the national command authority function” due to:

major command, control, and communications deficiencies: in tactical warning and attack assessment where existing systems were vulnerable to disruption and destruction from electromagnetic pulse, other high altitude nuclear effects, electronic warfare, sabotage, or physical attack; in decision making where there was inability to assure national command authority survival and connection with the nuclear forces, especially under surprise conditions; and in communications systems, which were susceptible to the same threats above and which could not guarantee availability of even minimum-essential capability during a protracted war. [33]

The nuclear weapons safety literature likewise provides a number of troubling examples of NC3 glitches that illustrate some of the vulnerabilities attackers could, in principle, exploit [34–36]. The SAC history noted that NORAD has received numerous false launch indications from faulty computer components, loose circuits, and even a nuclear war training tape loaded by mistake into a live system that produced erroneous Soviet launch indications [33]. In a 1991 briefing to the STRATCOM commander, a Defense Intelligence Agency targeteer confessed, “Sir, I apologize, but we have found a problem with this target. There is a mistake in the computer code … . Sir, the error has been there for at least the life of this eighteen-month planning cycle. The nature of the error is such that the target would not have been struck” [37]. It would be a difficult operation to intentionally plant undetected errors like this, but the presence of bugs does reveal that such a hack is possible.

Following many near-misses and self-audits during and after the Cold War, American NC3 improved with the addition of new safeguards and redundancies. As General Kehler pointed out in 2013, “the nuclear deterrent force was designed to operate through the most extreme circumstances we could possibly imagine” [28]. Yet vulnerabilities remain. In 2010, the US Air Force lost contact with 50 Minuteman III ICBMs for an hour because of a faulty hardware circuit at a launch control center [38]. If the accident had occurred during a crisis, or the component had been sabotaged, the USAF would have been unable to launch and unable to detect and cancel unauthorized launch attempts. As Bruce Blair, a former Minuteman missileer, points out, during a control center blackout the antennas at unmanned silos and the cables between them provide potential surreptitious access vectors [39].

The unclassified summary of a 2015 audit of US NC3 stated that “known capability gaps or deficiencies remain” [40]. Perhaps more worrisome are the unknown deficiencies. A 2013 Defense Science Board report on military cyber vulnerabilities found that while the:

nuclear deterrent is regularly evaluated for reliability and readiness … , most of the systems have not been assessed (end-to-end) against a [sophisticated state] cyber attack to understand possible weak spots. A 2007 nuclear deterrent is regularly evaluated for reliability and readiness … , most of the systems have not been assessed (end-to-end) against a [sophisticated state] cyber attack to understand possible weak spots. A 2007 Air Force study addressed portions of this issue for the ICBM leg of the U.S. triad but was still not a complete assessment against a high-tier threat. [41]

If NC3 vulnerabilities are unknown, it is also unknown whether an advanced cyber actor would be able to exploit them. As Kehler notes, “We don’t know what we don’t know” [28].


Even if NC3 of nuclear forces narrowly conceived is a hard target, cyber attacks on other critical infrastructure in preparation to or during a nuclear crisis could complicate or confuse government decision making. General Keith Alexander, Director of the NSA in the same Senate hearing with General Kehler, testified that:

our infrastructure that we ride on, the power and the communications grid, are one of the things that is a source of concern … we can go to backup generators and we can have independent routes, but … our ability to communicate would be significantly reduced and it would complicate our governance … . I think what General Kehler has would be intact … [but] the cascading effect … in that kind of environment … concerns us. [28]

Kehler further emphasized that “there’s a continuing need to make sure that we are protected against electromagnetic pulse and any kind of electromagnetic interference” [28].


Many NC3 components are antiquated and hard to upgrade, which is a mixed blessing. Kehler points out, “Much of the nuclear command and control system today is the legacy system that we’ve had. In some ways that helps us in terms of the cyber threat. In some cases it’s point to point, hard-wired, which makes it very difficult for an external cyber threat to emerge” [28]. The Government Accountability Office notes that the “Department of Defense uses 8-inch floppy disks in a legacy system that coordinates the operational functions of the nation’s nuclear forces” [42]. While this may limit some forms of remote access, it is also indicative of reliance on an earlier generation of software when security engineering standards were less mature. Upgrades to the digital Strategic Automated Command and Control System planned for 2017 have the potential to correct some problems, but these changes may also introduce new access vectors and vulnerabilities [43]. Admiral Cecil Haney, Kehler’s successor at STRATCOM, highlighted the challenges of NC3 modernization in 2015:

Assured and reliable NC3 is fundamental to the credibility of our nuclear deterrent. The aging NC3 systems continue to meet their intended purpose, but risk to mission success is increasing as key elements of the system age. The unpredictable challenges posed by today’s complex security environment make it increasingly important to optimize our NC3 architecture while leveraging new technologies so that NC3 systems operate together as a core set of survivable and endurable capabilities that underpin a broader, national command and control system. [44]

In no small irony, the internet itself owes its intellectual origin, in part, to the threat to NC3 from large-scale physical attack. A 1962 RAND report by Paul Baran considered “the problem of building digital communication networks using links with less than perfect reliability” to enable “stations surviving a physical attack and remaining in electrical connection … to operate together as a coherent entity after attack” [45]. Baran advocated as a solution decentralized packet switching protocols, not unlike those realized in the ARPANET program. The emergence of the internet was the result of many other factors that had nothing to do with managing nuclear operations, notably the meritocratic ideals of 1960s counterculture that contributed to the neglect of security in the internet’s founding architecture [46, 47]. Fears of NC3 vulnerability helped to create the internet, which then helped to create the present-day cybersecurity epidemic, which has come full circle to create new fears about NC3 vulnerability.

NC3 vulnerability is not unique to the United States. The NC3 of other nuclear powers may even be easier to compromise, especially in the case of new entrants to the nuclear club like North Korea. Moreover, the United States has already demonstrated both the ability and willingness to infiltrate sensitive foreign nuclear infrastructure through operations such as Olympic Games (Stuxnet), albeit targeting Iran’s nuclear fuel cycle rather than NC3. It would be surprising to learn that the United States has failed to upgrade its Cold War NC3 attack plans to include offensive cyber operations against a wide variety of national targets.

Hacking the deterrent
The United States included NC3 attacks in its Cold War counterforce and damage limitation war plans, even as contemporary critics perceived these options to be destabilizing for deterrence [48]. The best known example of these activities and capabilities is a Special Access Program named Canopy Wing. East German intelligence obtained the highly classified plans from a US Army spy in Berlin, and the details began to emerge publicly after the Cold War. An East German intelligence officer, Markus Wolf, writes in his memoir that Canopy Wing “listed the types of electronic warfare that would be used to neutralize the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact’s command centers in case of all-out war. It detailed the precise method of depriving the Soviet High Command of its high-frequency communications used to give orders to its armed forces” [49].

It is easy to see why NC3 is such an attractive target in the unlikely event of a nuclear war. If for whatever reason deterrence fails and the enemy decides to push the nuclear button, it would obviously be better to disable or destroy missiles before they launch than to rely on possibly futile efforts to shoot them down, or to accept the loss of millions of lives. American plans to disable Soviet NC3 with electronic warfare, furthermore, would have been intended to complement plans for decapitating strikes against Soviet nuclear forces. Temporary disabling of information networks in isolation would have failed to achieve any important strategic objective. A blinded adversary would eventually see again and would scramble to reconstitute its ability to launch its weapons, expecting that preemption was inevitable in any case. Reconstitution, moreover, would invalidate much of the intelligence and some of the tradecraft on which the blinding attack relied. Capabilities fielded through Canopy Wing were presumably intended to facilitate a preemptive military strike on Soviet NC3 to disable the ability to retaliate and limit the damage of any retaliatory force that survived, given credible indications that war was imminent. Canopy Wing included [50]:

  • “Measures for short-circuiting … communications and weapons systems using, among other things, microscopic carbon-fiber particles and chemical weapons.”
  • “Electronic blocking of communications immediately prior to an attack, thereby rendering a counterattack impossible.”
  • “Deployment of various weapons systems for instantaneous destruction of command centers, including pin-point targeting with precision-guided weapons to destroy ‘hardened bunkers’.”
  • “Use of deception measures, including the use of computer-simulated voices to override and substitute false commands from ground-control stations to aircraft and from regional command centers to the Soviet submarine fleet.”
  • “Us[e of] the technical installations of ‘Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’ and ‘Voice of America,’ as well as the radio communications installations of the U.S. Armed Forces for creating interference and other electronic effects.”

Wolf also ran a spy in the US Air Force who disclosed that:

the Americans had managed to penetrate the [Soviet air base at Eberswalde]’s ground-air communications and were working on a method of blocking orders before they reached the Russian pilots and substituting their own from West Berlin. Had this succeeded, the MiG pilots would have received commands from their American enemy. It sounded like science fiction, but, our experts concluded, it was in no way impossible that they could have pulled off such a trick, given the enormous spending and technical power of U.S. military air research. [49]

One East German source claimed that Canopy Wing had a $14.5 billion budget for research and operational costs and a staff of 1570 people, while another claimed that it would take over 4 years and $65 million to develop “a prototype of a sophisticated electronic system for paralyzing Soviet radio traffic in the high-frequency range” [50]. Canopy Wing was not cheap, and even so, it was only a research and prototyping program. Operationalization of its capabilities and integration into NATO war plans would have been even more expensive. This is suggestive of the level of effort required to craft effective offensive cyber operations against NC3.


Preparation comes to naught when a sensitive program is compromised. Canopy Wing was caught in what we describe below as the cyber commitment problem, the inability to disclose a warfighting capability for the sake of deterrence without losing it in the process. According to New York Times reporting on the counterintelligence investigation of the East German spy in the Army, Warrant Officer James Hall, “officials said that one program rendered useless cost hundreds of millions of dollars and was designed to exploit a Soviet communications vulnerability uncovered in the late 1970’s” [51]. This program was probably Canopy Wing. Wolf writes, “Once we passed [Hall’s documents about Canopy Wing] on to the Soviets, they were able to install scrambling devices and other countermeasures” [49]. It is tempting to speculate that the Soviet deployment of a new NC3 system known as Signal-A to replace Signal-M (which was most likely the one targeted by Canopy Wing) was motivated in part by Hall’s betrayal [50].

Canopy Wing underscores the potential and limitations of NC3 subversion. Modern cyber methods can potentially perform many of the missions Canopy Wing addressed with electronic warfare and other means, but with even greater stealth and precision. Cyber operations might, in principle, compromise any part of the NC3 system (early warning, command centers, data transport, operational forces, etc.) by blinding sensors, injecting bogus commands or suppressing legitimate ones, monitoring or corrupting data transmissions, or interfering with the reliable launch and guidance of missiles. In practice, the operational feasibility of cyber attack against NC3 or any other target depends on the software and hardware configuration and organizational processes of the target, the intelligence and planning capacity of the attacker, and the ability and willingness to take advantage of the effects created by cyber attack [52, 53]. Cyber compromise of NC3 is technically plausible though operationally difficult, a point to which we return in a later section.

To understand which threats are not only technically possible but also probable under some circumstance, we further need a political logic of cost and benefit [14]. In particular, how is it possible for a crisis to escalate to levels of destruction more costly than any conceivable political reward? Canopy Wing highlights some of the strategic dangers of NC3 exploitation. Warsaw Pact observers appear to have been deeply concerned that the program reflected an American willingness to undertake a surprise decapitation attack: they said that it “sent ice-cold shivers down our spines” [50]. The Soviets designed a system called Perimeter that, not unlike the Doomsday Device in Dr. Strangelove, was designed to detect a nuclear attack and retaliate automatically, even if cut off from Soviet high command, through an elaborate system of sensors, underground computers, and command missiles to transmit launch codes [54]. Both Canopy Wing and Perimeter show that the United States and the Soviet Union took nuclear warfighting seriously and were willing to develop secret advantages for such an event. By the same token, they were not able to reveal such capabilities to improve deterrence to avoid having to fight a nuclear war in the first place.

Nuclear deterrence and credible communication

Nuclear weapons have some salient political properties. They are singularly and obviously destructive. They kill in more, and more ghastly, ways than conventional munitions through electromagnetic radiation, blast, firestorms, radioactive fallout, and health effects that linger for years. Bombers, ICBMs, and SLBMs can project warheads globally without significantly mitigating their lethality, steeply attenuating the conventional loss-of-strength gradient [55]. Defense against nuclear attack is very difficult, even with modern ballistic missile defenses, given the speed of incoming warheads and use of decoys; multiple warheads and missile volleys further reduce the probability of perfect interception. If one cannot preemptively destroy all of an enemy’s missiles, then there is a nontrivial chance of getting hit by some of them. When one missed missile can incinerate millions of people, the notion of winning a nuclear war starts to seem meaningless for many politicians.

As defense seemed increasingly impractical, early Cold War strategists championed the threat of assured retaliation as the chief mechanism for avoiding war [56–59]. Political actors have issued threats for millennia, but the advent of nuclear weapons brought deterrence as a strategy to center stage. The Cold War was an intense learning experience for both practitioners and students of international security, rewriting well-worn realities more than once [60–62]. A key conundrum was the practice of brinkmanship. Adversaries who could not compete by “winning” a nuclear war could still compete by manipulating the “risk” of nuclear annihilation, gambling that an opponent would have the good judgment to back down at some point short of the nuclear brink. Brinkmanship crises—conceptualized as games of Chicken where one cannot heighten tensions without increasing the hazard of the mutually undesired outcome—require that decision makers behave irrationally, or possibly that they act randomly, which is difficult to conceptualize in practical terms [63]. The chief concern in historical episodes of chicken, such as the Berlin Crisis and Cuban Missile Crisis, was not whether a certain level of harm was possible, but whether an adversary was resolved enough, possibly, to risk nuclear suicide. The logical inconsistency of the need for illogic to win led almost from the beginning of the nuclear era to elaborate deductive contortions [64–66].

Both mutually assured destruction (MAD) and successful brinksmanship depend on a less appreciated, but no less fundamental, feature of nuclear weapons: political transparency. Most elements of military power are weakened by disclosure [67]. Military plans are considerably less effective if shared with an enemy. Conventional weapons become less lethal as adversaries learn what different systems can and cannot do, where they are located, how they are operated, and how to devise countermeasures and array defenses to blunt or disarm an attack. In contrast, relatively little reduction in destruction follows from enemy knowledge of nuclear capabilities. For most of the nuclear era, no effective defense existed against a nuclear attack. Even today, with evolving ABM systems, one ICBM still might get through and annihilate the capital city. Nuclear forces are more robust to revelation than other weapons, enabling nuclear nations better to advertise the harm they can inflict.

The need for transparency to achieve an effective deterrent is driven home by the satirical Cold War film, Dr. Strangelove: “the whole point of a Doomsday Machine is lost, if you keep it a secret! Why didn’t you tell the world, eh?” During the real Cold War, fortunately, Soviet leaders paraded their nuclear weapons through Red Square for the benefit of foreign military attaches and the international press corps. Satellites photographed missile, bomber, and submarine bases. While other aspects of military affairs on both sides of the Iron Curtain remained closely guarded secrets, the United States and the Soviet Union permitted observers to evaluate their nuclear capabilities. This is especially remarkable given the secrecy that pervaded Soviet society. The relative transparency of nuclear arsenals ensured that the superpowers could calculate risks and consequences within a first-order approximation, which led to a reduction in severe conflict and instability even as political competition in other arenas was fierce [61, 68].

Recent insights about the causes of war suggest that divergent expectations about the costs and consequences of war are necessary for contests to occur [69–73]. These insights are associated with rationalist theories, such as deterrence theory itself. Empirical studies and psychological critiques of the rationality assumption have helped to refine models and bring some circumspection into their application, but the formulation of sound strategy (if not the execution) still requires the articulation of some rational linkage between cause and effect [19, 62, 74]. Many supposedly nonrational factors, moreover, simply manifest as uncertainty in strategic interaction. Our focus here is on the effect of uncertainty and ignorance on the ability of states and other actors to bargain in lieu of fighting. Many wars are a product of what adversaries do not know or what they misperceive, whether as a result of bluffing, secrecy, or intrinsic uncertainty [75, 76]. If knowledge of capabilities or resolve is a prerequisite for deterrence, then one reason for deterrence failure is the inability or unwillingness to credibly communicate details of the genuine balance of power, threat, or interests. Fighting, conversely, can be understood as a costly process of discovery that informs adversaries of their actual relative strength and resolve. From this perspective, successful deterrence involves instilling in an adversary perceptions like those that result from fighting, but before fighting actually begins. Agreement about the balance of power can enable states to bargain (tacit or overt) effectively without needing to fight, forging compromises that each prefers to military confrontation or even to the bulk of possible risky brinkmanship crises.

Despite other deficits, nuclear weapons have long been considered to be stabilizing with respect to rational incentives for war (the risk of nuclear accidents is another matter) [77]. If each side has a secure second strike—or even a minimal deterrent with some nonzero chance of launching a few missiles—then each side can expect to gain little and lose much by fighting a nuclear war. Whereas the costs of conventional war can be more mysterious because each side might decide to hold something back and meter out its punishment due to some internal constraint or a theory of graduated escalation, even a modest initial nuclear exchange is recognized to be extremely costly. As long as both sides understand this and understand (or believe) that the adversary understands this as well, then the relationship is stable. Countries engage nuclear powers with considerable deference, especially over issues of fundamental national or international importance. At the same time, nuclear weapons appear to be of limited value in prosecuting aggressive action, especially over issues of secondary or tertiary importance, or in response to aggression from others at lower levels of dispute intensity. Nuclear weapons are best used for signaling a willingness to run serious risks to protect or extort some issue that is considered of vital national interest.

As mentioned previously, both superpowers in the Cold War considered the warfighting advantages of nuclear weapons quite apart from any deterrent effect, and the United States and Russia still do. High-altitude bursts for air defense, electromagnetic pulse for frying electronics, underwater detonations for anti-submarine warfare, hardened target penetration, area denial, and so on, have some battlefield utility. Transparency per se is less important than weapon effects for warfighting uses, and can even be deleterious for tactics that depend on stealth and mobility. Even a single tactical nuke, however, would inevitably be a political event. Survivability of the second strike deterrent can also militate against transparency, as in the case of the Soviet Perimeter system, as mobility, concealment, and deception can make it harder for an observer to track and count respective forces from space. Counterforce strategies, platform diversity and mobility, ballistic missile defense systems, and force employment doctrine can all make it more difficult for one or both sides in a crisis to know whether an attack is likely to succeed or fail. The resulting uncertainty affects not only estimates of relative capabilities but also the degree of confidence in retaliation. At the same time, there is reason to believe that platform diversity lowers the risk of nuclear or conventional contests, because increasing the number of types of delivery platforms heightens second strike survivability without increasing the lethality of an initial strike [78]. While transparency is not itself a requirement for nuclear use, stable deterrence benefits to the degree to which retaliation can be anticipated, as well as the likelihood that the consequences of a first strike are more costly than any benefit. Cyber operations, in contrast, are neither robust to revelation nor as obviously destructive.

The cyber commitment problem

Deterrence (and compellence) uses force or threats of force to “warn” an adversary about consequences if it takes or fails to take an action. In contrast, defense (and conquest) uses force to “win” a contest of strength and change the material distribution of power. Sometimes militaries can change the distribution of information and power at the same time. Military mobilization in a crisis signifies resolve and displays a credible warning, but it also makes it easier to attack or defend if the warning fails. Persistence in a battle of attrition not only bleeds an adversary but also reveals a willingness to pay a higher price for victory. More often, however, the informational requirements of winning and warning are in tension. Combat performance often hinges on well-kept secrets, feints, and diversions. Many military plans and capabilities degrade when revealed. National security involves trade-offs between the goals of preventing war, by advertising capabilities or interests, and improving fighting power should war break out, by concealing capabilities and surprising the enemy.

The need to conceal details of the true balance of power to preserve battlefield effectiveness gives rise to the military commitment problem [79, 80]. Japan could not coerce the United States by revealing its plan to attack Pearl Harbor because the United States could not credibly promise to refrain from reorienting defenses and dispersing the Pacific Fleet. War resulted not just because of what opponents did not know but because of what they could not tell each other without paying a severe price in military advantage. The military benefits of surprise (winning) trumped the diplomatic benefits of coercion (warning).

Cyber operations, whether for disruption and intelligence, are extremely constrained by the military commitment problem. Revelation of a cyber threat in advance that is specific enough to convince a target of the validity of the threat also provides enough information potentially to neutralize it. Stuxnet took years and hundreds of millions of dollars to develop but was patched within weeks of its discovery. The Snowden leaks negated a whole swath of tradecraft that the NSA took years to develop. States may use other forms of covert action, such as publicly disavowed lethal aid or aerial bombing (e.g. Nixon’s Cambodia campaign), to discretely signal their interests, but such cases can only work to the extent that revelation of operational details fails to disarm rebels or prevent airstrikes [81].

Cyber operations, especially against NC3, must be conducted in extreme secrecy as a condition of the efficacy of the attack. Cyber tradecraft relies on stealth, stratagem, and deception [21]. Operations tailored to compromise complex remote targets require extensive intelligence, planning and preparation, and testing to be effective. Actions that alert a target of an exploit allow the target to patch, reconfigure, or adopt countermeasures that invalidate the plan. As the Defense Science Board points out, competent network defenders:

can also be expected to employ highly-trained system and network administrators, and this operational staff will be equipped with continuously improving network defensive tools and techniques (the same tools we advocate to improve our defenses). Should an adversary discover an implant, it is usually relatively simple to remove or disable. For this reason, offensive cyber will always be a fragile capability. [41]

The world’s most advanced cyber powers, the United States, Russia, Israel, China, France, and the United Kingdom, are also nuclear states, while India, Pakistan, and North Korea also have cyber warfare programs. NC3 is likely to be an especially well defended part of their cyber infrastructures. NC3 is a hard target for offensive operations, which thus requires careful planning, detailed intelligence, and long lead-times to avoid compromise.

Cyberspace is further ill-suited for signaling because cyber operations are complex, esoteric, and hard for commanders and policymakers to understand. Most targeted cyber operations have to be tailored for each unique target (a complex organization not simply a machine), quite unlike a general purpose munition tested on a range. Malware can fail in many ways and produce unintended side effects, as when the Stuxnet code was accidentally released to the public. The category of “cyber” includes tremendous diversity: irritant scams, hacktivist and propaganda operations, intelligence collection, critical infrastructure disruption, etc. Few intrusions create consequences that rise to the level of attacks such as Stuxnet or BlackEnergy, and even they pale beside the harm imposed by a small war.

Vague threats are less credible because they are indistinguishable from casual bluffing. Ambiguity can be useful for concealing a lack of capability or resolve, allowing an actor to pool with more capable or resolved states and acquiring some deterrence success by association. But this works by discounting the costliness of the threat. Nuclear threats, for example, are usually somewhat veiled because one cannot credibly threaten nuclear suicide. The consistently ambiguous phrasing of US cyber declaratory policy (e.g. “we will respond to cyber-attacks in a manner and at a time and place of our choosing using appropriate instruments of U.S. power” [82]) seeks to operate across domains to mobilize credibility in one area to compensate for a lack of credibility elsewhere, specifically by leveraging the greater robustness to revelation of military capabilities other than cyber.

This does not mean that cyberspace is categorically useless for signaling, just as nuclear weapons are not categorically useless for warfighting. Ransomware attacks work when the money extorted to unlock the compromised host is priced below the cost of an investigation or replacing the system. The United States probably gained some benefits in general deterrence (i.e. discouraging the emergence of challenges as opposed to immediate deterrence in response to a challenge) through the disclosure of Stuxnet and the Snowden leaks. Both revelations compromised tradecraft, but they also advertised that the NSA probably had more exploits and tradecraft where they came from. Some cyber operations may actually be hard to mitigate within tactically meaningful timelines (e.g. hardware implants installed in hard-to-reach locations). Such operations might be revealed to coerce concessions within the tactical window created by a given operation, if the attacker can coordinate the window with the application of coercion in other domains. As a general rule, however, the cyber domain on its own is better suited for winning than warning [83]. Cyber and nuclear weapons fall on extreme opposite sides of this spectrum.

Dangerous complements

Nuclear weapons have been used in anger twice—against the Japanese cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki—but cyberspace is abused daily. Considered separately, the nuclear domain is stable and the cyber domain is unstable. In combination, the results are ambiguous.

The nuclear domain can bound the intensity of destruction that a cyber attacker is willing to inflict on an adversary. US declaratory policy states that unacceptable cyber attacks may prompt a military response; while nuclear weapons are not explicitly threatened, neither are they withheld. Nuclear threats have no credibility at the low end, where the bulk of cyber attacks occur. This produces a cross-domain version of the stability–instability paradox, where deterrence works at the high end but is not credible, and thus encourages provocation, at low intensities. Nuclear weapons, and military power generally, create an upper bound on cyber aggression to the degree that retaliation is anticipated and feared [22, 83, 84].

In the other direction, the unstable cyber domain can undermine the stability of nuclear deterrence. Most analysts who argue that the cyber–nuclear combination is a recipe for danger focus on the fog of crisis decision making [85–87]. Stephen Cimbala points out that today’s relatively smaller nuclear arsenals may perversely magnify the attractiveness of NC3 exploitation in a crisis: “Ironically, the downsizing of U.S. and post-Soviet Russian strategic nuclear arsenals since the end of the Cold War, while a positive development from the perspectives of nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, makes the concurrence of cyber and nuclear attack capabilities more alarming” [88]. Cimbala focuses mainly on the risks of misperception and miscalculation that emerge when a cyber attack muddies the transparent communication required for opponents to understand one another’s interests, redlines, and willingness to use force, and to ensure reliable control over subordinate commanders. Thus a nuclear actor “faced with a sudden burst of holes in its vital warning and response systems might, for example, press the preemption button instead of waiting to ride out the attack and then retaliate” [85].

The outcome of fog of decision scenarios such as these depend on how humans react to risk and uncertainty, which in turn depends on bounded rationality and organizational frameworks that might confuse rational decision making [89, 90]. These factors exacerbate a hard problem. Yet within a rationalist framework, cyber attacks that have already created their effects need not trigger an escalatory spiral. While being handed a fait accompli may trigger an aggressive reaction, it is also plausible that the target’s awareness that its NC3 has been compromised in some way would help to convey new information that the balance of power is not as favorable as previously thought. This in turn could encourage the target to accommodate, rather than escalate. While defects in rational decision making are a serious concern in any cyber–nuclear scenario, the situation becomes even more hazardous when there are rational incentives to escalate. Although “known unknowns” can create confusion, to paraphrase Donald Rumsfeld, the “unknown unknowns” are perhaps more dangerous.

A successful clandestine penetration of NC3 can defeat the informational symmetry that stabilizes nuclear relationships. Nuclear weapons are useful for deterrence because they impose a degree of consensus about the distribution of power; each side knows the other can inflict prohibitive levels of damage, even if they may disagree about the precise extent of this damage. Cyber operations are attractive precisely because they can secretly revise the distribution of power. NC3 neutralization may be an expensive and rarified capability in the reach of only a few states with mature signals intelligence agencies, but it is much cheaper than nuclear attack. Yet the very usefulness of cyber operations for nuclear warfighting ensure that deterrence failure during brinksmanship crises is more likely.

Nuclear states may initiate crises of risk and resolve to see who will back down first, which is not always clear in advance. Chicken appears viable, ironically, because each player understands that a nuclear war would be a disaster for all, and thus all can agree that someone can be expected swerve. Nuclear deterrence should ultimately make dealing with an adversary diplomatically more attractive than fighting, provided that fighting is costly—as would seem evident for the prospect of nuclear war—and assuming that bargains are available to states willing to accept compromise rather than annihilation. If, however, one side knows, but the other does not, that the attacker has disabled the target’s ability to perceive an impending military attack, or to react to one when it is underway, then they will not have a shared understanding of the probable outcome of war, even in broad terms.

Consider a brinksmanship crisis between two nuclear states where only one has realized a successful penetration of the rival’s NC3. The cyber attacker knows that it has a military advantage, but it cannot reveal the advantage to the target, lest the advantage be lost. The target does not know that it is at a disadvantage, and it cannot be told by the attacker for the same reason. The attacker perceives an imbalance of power while the target perceives a balance. A dangerous competition in risk taking ensues. The first side knows that it does not need to back down. The second side feels confident that it can stand fast and raise the stakes far beyond what it would be willing to if it understood the true balance of power. Each side is willing to escalate to create more risk for the other side, making it more likely that one or the other will conclude that deterrence has failed and move into warfighting mode to attempt to limit the damage the other can inflict.

The targeted nature and uncertain effects of offensive cyber operations put additional pressure on decision makers. An intrusion will probably disable only part of the enemy’s NC3 architecture, not all of it (which is not only operationally formidable to achieve but also more likely to be noticed by the target). Thus the target may retain control over some nuclear forces, or conventional forces. The target may be tempted to use some of them piecemeal to signal a willingness to escalate further, even though it cannot actually escalate because of the cyber operation. The cyber attacker knows that it has escalation dominance, but when even a minor demonstration by the target can cause great damage, it is tempting to preempt this move or others like it. This situation would be especially unstable if only second strike but not primary strike NC3 was incapacitated. Uncertainty in the efficacy of the clandestine penetration would discount the attacker’s confidence in its escalation dominance, with a range of possible outcomes. Enough uncertainty would discount the cyber attack to nothing, which would have a stabilizing effect by returning the crisis to the pure nuclear domain. A little bit of uncertainty about cyber effectiveness would heighten risk acceptance while also raising the incentives to preempt as an insurance measure.

Adding allies into the mix introduces additional instability. An ally emboldened by its nuclear umbrella might run provocative risks that it would be much more reluctant to embrace if it was aware that the umbrella was actually full of holes. Conversely, if the clandestine advantage is held by the state extending the umbrella, allies could become unnerved by the willingness of their defender to run what appear to be outsize risks, oblivious of the reasons for the defender’s confidence, creating discord in the alliance and incentives for self-protective action, leading to greater uncertainty about alliance solidarity.

The direction of influence between the cyber and nuclear realms depends to large degree on which domain is the main arena of action. Planning and conducting cyber operations will be bounded by the ability of aggressors to convince themselves that attacks will remain secret, and by the confidence of nuclear nations in their invulnerability. Fears of cross-domain escalation will tend to keep instability in cyberspace bounded. However, if a crisis has risen to the point where nuclear threats are being seriously considered or made, then NC3 exploitation will be destabilizing. Brinksmanship crises seem to have receded in frequency since the Cuban Missile Crisis but may be more likely than is generally believed. President Vladimir Putin of Russia has insinuated more than once in recent years that his government is willing to use tactical nuclear weapons if necessary to support his policies.

Cyber power and nuclear stability
Not all crises are the same. Indeed, their very idiosyncrasies create the uncertainties that make bargaining failure more likely [75]. So far our analysis would be at home in the Cold War, with the technological novelty of cyber operations. Yet not every state has the same cyber capabilities or vulnerabilities. Variation in cyber power relations across dyads should be expected to affect the strategic stability of nuclear states.

The so-called second nuclear age differs from superpower rivalry in important ways [91]. There are fewer absolute numbers of warheads in the world, down from a peak of over 70 000 in the 1980s to about 15 000 today (less than 5000 deployed), but they are distributed very unevenly [92]. The United States and Russia have comparably sized arsenals, each with a fully diversified triad of delivery platforms, while North Korea only has a dozen or so bombs and no meaningful delivery system (for now). China, India, Pakistan, Britain, France, and Israel have modest arsenals in the range of several dozen to a couple hundred weapons, but they have very different doctrines, conventional force complements, domestic political institutions, and alliance relationships. The recent nuclear powers lack the hard-won experience and shared norms of the Cold War to guide them through crises, and even the United States and Russia have much to relearn.

Cyber warfare capacity also varies considerably across contemporary nuclear nations. The United States, Russia, Israel, and Britain are in the top tier, able to run sophisticated, persistent, clandestine penetrations. China is a uniquely active cyber power with ambitious cyber warfare doctrine, but its operational focus is on economic espionage and political censorship, resulting in less refined tradecraft and more porous defenses for military purposes [16]. France, India, and Pakistan also have active cyber warfare programs, while North Korea is the least developed cyber nation, depending on China for its expertise [93].

It is beyond the scope of this article to assess crisis dyads in detail, and data on nuclear and cyber power for these countries are shrouded in secrecy. Here, as a way of summing up the arguments above, we offer a few conjectures about how stylized aspects of cyber power affect crisis stability through incentives and key aspects of decision making. We do not stress relative nuclear weapon capabilities on the admittedly strong (and contestable) assumption that nuclear transparency in the absence of cyber operations would render nuclear asymmetry irrelevant for crisis bargaining because both sides would agree about the terrible consequences of conflict [94]. We also omit domestic or psychological variables that affect relative power assessments, although these are obviously important. Even if neither India nor Pakistan have viable cyber–nuclear capabilities, brinksmanship between them is dangerous for many other reasons, notably compressed decision timelines, Pakistan’s willingness to shoot first, and domestic regime instability. Our focus is on the impact of offensive and defensive cyber power on nuclear deterrence above and beyond the other factors that certainly play a role in real-world outcomes.

First, does the cyber attacker have the organizational capacity, technical expertise, and intelligence support to “compromise” the target’s NC3? Can hackers access critical networks, exploit technical vulnerabilities, and confidently execute a payload to disrupt or exploit strategic sensing, command, forces, or transport capacity? The result would be some tangible advantage for warfighting, such as tactical warning or control paralysis, but one that cannot be exercised in bargaining.

Second, is the target able to “detect” the compromise of its NC3? The more complicated and sensitive the target, the more likely cyber attackers are to make a mistake that undermines the intrusion. Attribution is not likely to be difficult given the constricted pool of potential attackers, but at the same time the consequences of misattributing “false flag” operations could be severe [95]. At a minimum, detection is assumed to provide information to the target that the balance of power is perhaps not as favorable as imagined previously. We assume that detection without an actual compromise is possible because of false positives or deceptive information operations designed to create pessimism or paranoia.

Third, is the target able to “mitigate” the compromise it detects? Revelation can prompt patching or network reconfiguration to block an attack, but this assumption is not always realistic. The attacker may have multiple pathways open or may have implanted malware that is difficult to remove in tactically meaningful timelines. In such cases the cyber commitment problem is not absolute, since the discovery of the power to hurt does not automatically disarm it. Successful mitigation here is assumed to restore mutual assessments of the balance of power to what they would be absent the cyber attack.

Table 1 shows how these factors combine to produce different deterrence outcomes in a brinksmanship (chicken) crisis. If there is no cyber compromise and the target detects nothing (no false positives) then we have the optimistic ideal case where nuclear transparency affords stable “deterrence.” Transparency about the nuclear balance, including the viability of secure second strike forces, provides strategic stability. We also expect this box to describe situations where the target has excellent network defense capabilities and thus the prospect of defense, denial or deception successfully deters any attempts to penetrate NC3. This may resemble the Cold War situation (with electronic warfare in lieu of cyber), or even the present day US–Russia dyad, where the odds of either side pulling off a successful compromise against a highly capable defender are not favorable. Alternately the attack may be deemed risky enough to encourage serious circumspection. However, the existence of Canopy Wing does not encourage optimism in this regard.

Conversely, if there is a compromise that goes undetected, then there is a heightened risk of “war” because of the cyber commitment problem. This box may be particularly relevant for asymmetric dyads such as the United States and North Korea, where one side has real cyber power but the other side is willing to go to the brink where it believes, falsely, that it has the capability to compel its counterpart to back down. Cyber disruption of NC3 is attractive for damage limitation should deterrence fail, given that the weaker state’s diminutive arsenal makes damage limitation by the stronger state more likely to succeed. The dilemma for the stronger state is that the clandestine counterforce hedge, which makes warfighting success more likely, is precisely what makes deterrence more likely to fail.

The United States would face similar counterforce dilemmas with other dyads like China or even Russia, although even a strong cyber power should be more circumspect when confronted with an adversary with a larger/more capable nuclear and conventional arsenal. More complex and cyber savvy targets, moreover, are more likely to detect a breach in NC3, leading to more ambiguous outcomes depending on how actors cope with risk and uncertainty. Paradoxically, confidence in cyber security may be a major contributor to failure; believing one is safe from attack increases the chance that an attack is successful.

If the successful compromise is detected but not mitigated, then the target learns that the balance of power is not as favorable as thought. This possibility suggests fleeting opportunities for “coercion” by revealing the cyber coup to the target in the midst of a crisis while the cyber attacker maintains or develops a favorable military advantage before the target has the opportunity to reverse or compensate the NC3 disruption. Recognizing the newly transparent costs of war, a risk neutral or risk averse target should prefer compromise. The coercive advantages (deterrence or compellence) of a detected but unmitigated NC3 compromise will likely be fleeting. This suggests a logical possibility for creating a window of opportunity for using particular cyber operations that are more robust to revelation as a credible signal of superior capability in the midst of a crisis. It would be important to exploit this fleeting advantage via other credible military threats (e.g. forces mobilized on visible alert or deployed into the crisis area) before the window closes.

One side may be able gain an unearned advantage, an opportunity for coercion via a “bluff,” by the same window-of-opportunity logic. A target concerned about NC3 compromise will probably have some network monitoring system and other protections in place. Defensive systems can produce false positives as a result of internal errors or a deception operation by the attacker to encourage paranoia. It is logically possible that some false positives would appear to the target to be difficult to mitigate. In this situation, the target could believe it is at a disadvantage, even though this is not in fact the case. This gambit would be operationally very difficult to pull off with any reliability in a real nuclear crisis.

Cyber–nuclear coercion and bluffing strategies are fraught with danger. Detection without mitigation might put a risk-acceptant or loss-averse target into a “use-lose” situation, creating pressures to preempt or escalate. The muddling of decision-making heightens the risk of accidents or irrational choices in a crisis scenario. Worry about preemption or accident then heightens the likelihood that the initiator will exercise counterforce options while they remain available. These pressures can be expected to be particularly intense if the target’s detection is only partial or has not revealed the true extent of damage to its NC3 (i.e. the target does not realize it has already lost some or all of what it hopes to use). These types of scenarios are most usually invoked in analyses of inadvertent escalation [23–27]. The essential distinction between “use-lose” risks and “war” in this typology is the target’s knowledge of some degree of NC3 compromise. Use-lose and other cognitive pressures can certainly result in nuclear war, since the breakdown of deterrence leads to the release of nuclear weapons, but we distinguish these outcomes to highlight the different decision making processes or rational incentives at work.

A “spiral” of mistrust may emerge if one side attempts a compromise but the defender detects and mitigates it. Both sides again have common mutual estimates of the relative balance of power, which superficially resembles the “deterrence” case because the NC3 compromise is negated. Unfortunately, the detection of the compromise will provide the target with information about the hostile intentions of the cyber attacker. This in turn is likely to exacerbate other political or psychological factors in the crisis itself or in the crisis-proneness of the broader relationship. The strange logical case where there is no compromise but one is detected and mitigated could result from a false positive misperception (including a third-party false flag operation) that could conflict spiraling [96, 97]. The bluff and coercion outcomes are also likely to encourage spiraling behavior once the fleeting bargaining advantage dissipates or is dispelled (provided anyone survives the interaction).

The risk of crisis instability is not the same for all dyads. It is harder to compromise the NC3 of strong states because of the redundancy and active defenses in their arsenal. Likewise, strong states are better able to compromise the NC3 of any states but especially of weaker states, because of strong states’ greater organizational capacity and expertise in cyber operations. Stable deterrence or MAD is most likely to hold in mutually strong dyads (e.g. the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War or Russia today to a lesser extent). Deterrence is slightly less likely in other equally matched dyads (India–Pakistan) where defensive vulnerabilities create temptations but offensive capabilities may not be sufficient to exploit them. Most states can be expected to refrain from targeting American NC3 given a US reputation for cyber power (a general deterrence benefit enhanced by Stuxnet and Snowden). The situation is less stable if the United States is the attacker. The most dangerous dyad is a stronger and a weaker state (United States and North Korea or Israel and Iran). Dyads involving strong and middle powers are also dangerous (United States and China). The stronger side is tempted to disrupt NC3 as a warfighting hedge in case deterrence breaks down, while the weaker but still formidable side has a reasonable chance at detection. The marginally weaker may also be tempted to subvert NC3, particularly for reconnaissance; the stronger side is more likely to detect and correct the intrusion but will be alarmed by the ambiguity in distinguishing intelligence collection from attack planning [98]. In a brinksmanship crisis between them, windows for coercion may be available yet fleeting, with real risks of spiral and war.

Policy implications
Skeptics are right to challenge the hype about cyberwar. The term is confusing, and hacking rarely amounts to anything approaching a weapon of mass destruction. Cyberspace is most usefully exploited on the lower end of the conflict spectrum for intelligence and subversion, i.e., not as a substitute for military or economic power but a complement to it. Yet the logic of complementarity has at least one exception regarding conflict severity, and it is a big one.

Offensive cyber operations against NC3 raise the risk of nuclear war. They do so because cyber operations and nuclear weapons are extreme complements regarding their informational properties. Cyber operations rely on deception. Nuclear deterrence relies on clear communication. In a brinksmanship crisis, the former undermines the latter. Nuclear crises were rare events in Cold War history, thankfully. Today, the proliferation and modernization of nuclear weapons may raise the risk slightly. Subversion of NC3 raises the danger of nuclear war slightly more. Cyberwar is not war per se, but in rare circumstances it may make escalation to thermonuclear war more likely.

NC3 is a particularly attractive counterforce target because disruption can render the enemy’s arsenal less effective without having to destroy individual platforms. US nuclear strategy in practice has long relied on counterforce capabilities (including Canopy Wing) [48, 99]. Deterrence theorists expect this to undermine the credibility of the adversary’s deterrent and create pressures to move first in a conflict [100, 101]. If for some reason deterrence fails, however, countervalue strikes on civilian population centers would be militarily useless and morally odious. Counterforce strikes, in contrast, aim at preemptive disarmament or damage limitation by attacking the enemy’s nuclear enterprise. Counterforce capabilities are designed for “winning” a nuclear war once over the brink, but their strategic purpose may still include warning if they can somehow be made robust to revelation. During the Cold War, the United States found ways to inform the Soviet Union of its counterforce ability to sink SSBNs, hit mobile ICBMs, and show off some electronic warfare capabilities without giving away precise details [102]. This improved mutual recognition of US advantages and thus clearer assessment of the consequences of conflict, but the military commitment problem was real nonetheless. The problem is particularly pronounced for cyber disruption of NC3. As one side builds more sophisticated NC3 to improve the credibility of its nuclear “warning,” the other side engages in cyber operations to improve its capacity for nuclear “winning,” thereby undermining the warning.

The prohibitive cost of nuclear war and the relative transparency of the nuclear balance has contributed to seven decades of nuclear peace. If this is to continue, it will be necessary to find ways to maintain transparency. If knowledge of a shift in relative power is concealed, then the deterrent effect of nuclear capabilities is undermined. This will tend to occur in periods where concern over nuclear attack is heightened, such as in the midst of a militarized crises. Yet there is no reason to believe that states will wait for a crisis before seeking to establish advantageous positions in cyberspace. Indeed, given the intricate intelligence and planning required, offensive cyber preparations must precede overt aggression by months or even years. It is this erosion of the bulwark of deterrence that is most troubling.

What can be done? Arms control agreements to ban cyber attacks on NC3 might seem attractive, but the cyber commitment problem also undermines institutional monitoring and enforcement. Even where the United States would benefit from such an agreement by keeping this asymmetric capability out of the hands of other states, it would still have strong incentives to prepare its own damage limitation options should deterrence fail. Nevertheless, diplomatic initiatives to discuss the dangers of cyber–nuclear interactions with potential opponents should be pursued. Even if cyber–nuclear dangers cannot be eliminated, states should be encouraged to review their NC3 and ensure strict lines of control over any offensive cyber operations at that level.

Classified studies of the details of NC3, not just the technical infrastructure but also their human organizations, together with wargames of the scenarios above, may help nuclear war planners to think carefully about subverting NC3. Unfortunately, the same reconnaissance operations used to better understand the opponent’s NC3 can be misinterpreted as attempts to compromise it [98]. More insidiously, private knowledge can become a source of instability insofar as knowing something about an adversary that improves one’s prospects in war increases the incentive to act through force or to exploit windows of opportunity in a crisis that could inadvertently escalate.

Anything that can be done to protect NC3 against cyber intrusion will make the most dangerous possibility of successful but undetected compromises less likely. The Defense Science Board in 2013 recommended “immediate action to assess and assure national leadership that the current U.S. nuclear deterrent is also survivable against the full-spectrum cyber … threat” [41]. Defense in depth should include redundant communications pathways, error correction channels, isolation of the most critical systems, component heterogeneity rather than a vulnerable software monoculture, and network security monitoring with active defenses (i.e. a counterintelligence mindset). Older technologies, ironically, may provide some protection by foiling access of modern cyber techniques (Russia reportedly still uses punch-cards for parts of its NC3 [103]); yet vulnerabilities from an earlier era of inadequate safeguards are also a problem. For defense in depth to translate into deterrence by denial requires the additional step of somehow advertising NC3 redundancy and resilience even in a cyber degraded environment.

Cyber disruption of NC3 is a cross-domain deterrence problem. CDD might also be part of the solution. As noted above, CDD can help to bound the severity of instability in the cyber domain by threatening, implicitly or explicitly, the prospect of military, economic, law-enforcement, or diplomatic consequences. Cyber attacks flourish below some credible threshold of deterrence and rapidly tail off above it. CDD may also help in nuclear crises. CDD provides policymakers with options other than nuclear weapons, and perhaps options when NC3 is compromised. A diversity of options provides a variation on Schelling’s classic “threat that leaves something to chance.” In some dyads, particularly with highly asymmetric nuclear arsenals and technical capabilities, CDD may provide options for “war” and “coercion” outcomes (in the language of our typology) short of actual nuclear war. CDD does not necessarily improve deterrence and in many ways is predicated on the failure of deterrence, but the broadening of options may lessen the consequences of that failure (i.e. if a machine asks, “Do you want to play a game?” it would be helpful to have options available other than “global thermonuclear war”). The implications of choice among an expanded palette of coercive options in an open-ended bargaining scenario is a topic for future research.

Finally, every effort should be made to ensure that senior leaders—the President and the Secretary of Defense in the United States, the Central Military Commission in China, etc.—understand and authorize any cyber operations against any country’s NC3 for any reason. Even intrusions focused only on intelligence collection should be reviewed and approved at the highest level. Education is easier said than done given the esoteric technical details involved. Ignorance at the senior level of the implications of compromised NC3 is a major risk factor in a crisis contributing to false optimism or other bad decisions. New technologies of information are, ironically, undermining clear communication.

Acknowledgements
We thank Scott Sagan, William J. Perry, the participants of the Stanford Cyber Policy Program (SCPP) Workshop on Strategic Dimensions of Offensive Cyber Operations, and the anonymous reviewers for their comments. This research was supported by SCPP and the Department of Defense Minerva Initiative through an Office of Naval Research Grant [N00014-14-1-0071].

References
1 Kaplan F. ‘WarGames’ and cybersecurity’s debt to a hollywood hack. The New York Times. February 19, 2016.
Google Scholar
2 Schulte SR. ‘The WarGames Scenario’: regulating teenagers and teenaged technology (1980-1984). Television & New Media August 19, 2008.
Google Scholar
3 Warner M. Cybersecurity: a pre-history. Intell Natl Security 2012;27:781–99.
Google ScholarCrossref
4 Borg S. Economically complex cyberattacks. IEEE Security and Privacy Magazine 2005;3:64–67.
Google ScholarCrossref
5 Clarke RA, Knake RK. Cyber War: The Next Threat to National Security and What to Do About It. New York: Ecco, 2010.
6 Brenner J. America the Vulnerable: Inside the New Threat Matrix of Digital Espionage, Crime, and Warfare. New York: Penguin Press, 2011.
Google Scholar
7 Kello L. The meaning of the cyber revolution: perils to theory and statecraft. Int Security 2013;38:7–40.
Google ScholarCrossref
8 Peterson D. Offensive cyber weapons: construction, development, and employment. J Strat Stud 2013;36:120–24.
Google ScholarCrossref
9 Dunn Cavelty M. Cyber-terror—looming threat or phantom menace? The framing of the US cyber-threat debate. J Informat Technol & Polit 2008;4:19–36.
Google ScholarCrossref
10 Rid T. Cyber war will not take place. J Strat Stud 2012;35:5–32.
Google ScholarCrossref
11 Lawson S. Beyond cyber-doom: assessing the limits of hypothetical scenarios in the framing of cyber-threats. J Informat Technol & Polit 2013;10:86–103.
Google ScholarCrossref
12 Benson DC. Why the internet is not increasing terrorism. Security Stud 2014;23:293–328.
Google ScholarCrossref
13 Valeriano B, Maness RC. Cyber War Versus Cyber Realities: Cyber Conflict in the International System. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.
Google Scholar
14 Gartzke E. The myth of cyberwar: bringing war in cyberspace back down to earth. Int Security 2013;38:41–73.
Google ScholarCrossref
15 Lindsay JR. Stuxnet and the limits of cyber warfare. Security Stud 2013;22:365–404.
Google ScholarCrossref
16 Lindsay JR. The impact of China on cybersecurity: fiction and friction. Int Security 2014;39:7–47.
Google ScholarCrossref
17 Opall-Rome B. Israeli cyber game drags US, Russia to brink of Mideast war. Defense News, November 14, 2013. http://www.defensenews.com/article/20131115/C4ISRNET07/311150020/Israeli-Cyber- Game-Drags-US-Russia-Brink-Mideast-War.
Google Scholar
18 Lindsay JR, Gartzke E. Cross-Domain Deterrence as a Practical Problem and a Theoretical Concept. Cross-Domain Deterrence: Strategy in an Era of Complexity, Gartzke E, Lindsay JR (eds.), La Jolla, CA: Manuscript, 2016.
Google Scholar
19 Carcelli S, Gartzke E. Blast from the Past: Revitalizing and Diversifying Deterrence Theory. Working Paper. La Jolla, CA, 2016.
Google Scholar
20 Powell R. Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Search for Credibility. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Google Scholar
21 Gartzke E, Lindsay JR. Weaving tangled webs: offense, defense, and deception in cyberspace. Security Stud 2015;24:316–48.
Google ScholarCrossref
22 Lindsay JR. Tipping the scales: the attribution problem and the feasibility of deterrence against cyber attack. J Cybersecurity 2015;1:53–67.
Google Scholar
23 Posen BR. Inadvertent Escalation: Conventional War and Nuclear Risks. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991.
Google Scholar
24 Cimbala SJ. Nuclear crisis management and ‘Cyberwar’: phishing for trouble? Strat Stud Quart 2011:117–131.
Google Scholar
25 Goldstein A. First things first: the pressing danger of crisis instability in U.S.-China relations. Int Security 2013;37:49–89.
Google ScholarCrossref
26 Gompert DC, Libicki M. Cyber warfare and Sino-American crisis instability. Survival 2014;56:7–22.
Google ScholarCrossref
27 Talmadge C. Assessing the risk of chinese nuclear escalation in a conventional war with the United States. Int Security (Forthcoming).

28 Hearing to Receive Testimony on U.S. Strategic Command and U.S. Cyber Command in Review of the Defense Authorization Request for Fiscal Year 2014 and the Future Years Defense Program, 2013.
29 Carter AD, Steinbruner JB, Zracket CA. Managing Nuclear Operations. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1987.
Google Scholar
30 Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Matters. “Nuclear Command and Control System.” In Nuclear Matters Handbook 2015. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2015, 73–81.
31 Bracken PJ. The Command and Control of Nuclear Forces. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985.
Google Scholar
32 Blair B. Strategic Command and Control. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1985.
Google Scholar
33 U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. A Historical Study of Strategic Connectivity, 1950-1981. Special Historical Study Washington, DC: Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Secretariat, Historical Division, July 1982.
Google Scholar
34 Gregory S. The Hidden Cost of Deterrence: Nuclear Weapons Accidents. London: Brassey’s, 1990.
Google Scholar
35 Sagan SD. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995.
Google Scholar
36 Eric S. Command and Control: Nuclear Weapons, the Demascus Accident, and the Illusion of Safety. New York: Penguin, 2014.
Google Scholar
37 George Lee B. Uncommon Cause: A Life at Odds with Convention, Volume II: The Transformative Years. Denver, CO: Outskirts Press, 2016.
Google Scholar
38 Ambinder M. Failure shuts down squadron of nuclear missiles. The Atlantic 2010.
Google Scholar
39 Blair B. Could terrorists launch America’s nuclear missiles? Time 2010.
Google Scholar
40 Government Accountability Organization. Nuclear Command, Control, and Communications: Update on DOD’s Modernization. GAO-15-584R. Washington, DC, June 15, 2015. http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-584R.
Google Scholar
41 Resilient military systems and the advanced cyber threat. Washington, DC: Defense Science Board, 2013.
Google Scholar
42 Information Technology: Federal Agencies Need to Address Aging Legacy Systems. Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, 2016.
Google Scholar
43 Futter A. The double-edged sword: US nuclear command and control modernization. Bull Atomic Scientists June 29, 2016. http://thebulletin.org/double-edged-sword-us-nuclear-command-and-control-modernization9593.
Google Scholar
44 Haney C. Department of defense press briefing by Adm. Haney in the pentagon briefing room. U.S. Department of Defense, March 24, 2015. http://www.defense.gov/News/News-Transcripts/Transcript-View/Article/607027
45 Baran P. On Distributed Communications Networks. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 1962.
Google Scholar
46 Clark DD. A cloudy crystal ball: visions of the future. Plenary presentation presented at the 24th meeting of the Internet Engineering Task Force, Cambridge, MA, July 17, 1992.
47 Abbate J. Inventing the Internet. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999.
Google Scholar
48 Long A, Green BR. Stalking the secure second strike: intelligence, counterforce, and nuclear strategy. J Strat Stud 2014;38:38–73.
Google ScholarCrossref
49 Wolf M, McElvoy A. Man Without a Face: The Autobiography of Communism’s Greatest Spymaster. New York: Public Affairs, 1997.
Google Scholar
50 Fischer BB. CANOPY WING: The U.S. war plan that gave the East Germans goose bumps. Int J Intell CounterIntell 2014;27:431–64.
Google ScholarCrossref
51 Engelberg S, Wines M. U.S. says soldier crippled spy post set up in berlin. The New York Times 1989.
Google Scholar
52 Owens WA, Dam KM, Lin HS. Technology, Policy, Law, and Ethics Regarding U.S. Acquisition and Use of Cyberattack Capabilities. Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2009.
Google Scholar
53 Herrick D, Herr T. Combating complexity: offensive cyber capabilities and integrated warfghting. Atlanta, 2016.
54 Hoffman D. The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and Its Dangerous Legacy. New York: Random House, 2009.
Google Scholar
55 Boulding KE. Conflict and Defense: A General Theory. New York: Harper & Row, 1962.
Google Scholar
56 Brodie B, Dunn FS, Wolfers A et al. . The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1946.
Google Scholar
57 Wohlstetter A. The delicate balance of terror. Foreign Affairs 1959;37:211–34.
Google ScholarCrossref
58 Kahn H. On Thermonuclear War. Princeton University Press, 1960.
Google Scholar
59 Snyder GH. Deterrence and Defense: Toward a Theory of National Security. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961.
Google Scholar
60 Trachtenberg M. History and Strategy. Princeton University Press, 1991.
Google Scholar
61 Gavin FJ. Nuclear Statecraft: History and Strategy in America’s Atomic Age. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012.
Google Scholar
62 Gartzke E, Kroenig M. Nukes with numbers: empirical research on the consequences of nuclear weapons for international conflict. Ann Rev Polit Sci 2016;19:397–412.
Google ScholarCrossref
63 Powell R. Nuclear brinkmanship with two-sided incomplete information. Am Polit Sci Rev 1988;82:155–78.
Google ScholarCrossref
64 Schelling TC. The Strategy of Conflict. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960.
Google Scholar
65 Zagare F. Rationality and deterrence. World Polit 1990;42:238–60.
Google ScholarCrossref
66 Schelling TC. Arms and Influence: With a New Preface and Afterword. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008.
Google Scholar
67 Slantchev BL. Feigning weakness. Int Organ 2010;64:357–88.
Google ScholarCrossref
68 Powell R. Nuclear brinkmanship, limited war, and military power. Int Organ 2015;69:589–626.
Google ScholarCrossref
69 Blainey G. Causes of War, 3rd edn. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988.
Google Scholar
70 Fearon JD. Rationalist explanations for war. Int Organ 1995;49:379–414.
Google ScholarCrossref
71 Powell R. In the Shadow of Power: States and Strategies in International Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999.
Google Scholar
72 Reiter D. Exploring the bargaining model of war. Perspect Polit 2003;1:27–43.
Google ScholarCrossref
73 Wagner RH. War and the State: The Theory of International Politics. University of Michigan Press, 2010.
Google Scholar
74 Betts RK. Is strategy an illusion? Int Security 2000;25:5–50.
Google ScholarCrossref
75 Gartzke E. War is in the error term. Int Organ 1999;53:567–87.
Google ScholarCrossref
76 Kaplow JM, Gartzke E. Knowing unknowns: the effect of uncertainty in interstate conflict. New Orleans, 2015.
77 Sagan SD, Waltz KN. The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: An Enduring Debate. 3rd ed, New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2012.
Google Scholar
78 Gartzke E, Kaplow JM, Mehta RN. Offense, defense and the structure of nuclear forces: the role of nuclear platform diversification in securing second strike. Working Paper, 2015.
79 Gartzke E., War bargaining and the military commitment problem. New Haven, CT: Yale University, 2001.
80 Powell R. War as a commitment problem. Int Organ 2006;60:169–203.
Google ScholarCrossref
81 Carson A, Yarhi-Milo K. Covert communication: the intelligibility and credibility of signaling in secret. Security Stud Forthcoming.

82 Ash C. Remarks by Secretary Carter at the Drell Lecture Cemex Auditorium. Stanford, CA: Stanford Graduate School of Business, 2015.
Google Scholar
83 Lindsay JR, Gartzke E. Coercion through Cyberspace: The Stability-Instability Paradox Revisited. In The Power to Hurt: Coercion in Theory and in Practice, Greenhill KM, Krause PJP (eds.). New York: Oxford University Press, Forthcoming.
Google Scholar
84 Colby E. Cyberwar and the nuclear option. The National Interest. June 24, 2013.
Google Scholar
85 Cimbala SJ. Nuclear Weapons in the Information Age. Continuum International Publishing, 2012.
Google Scholar
86 Fritz J. Hacking Nuclear Command and Control. International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament, 2009.
Google Scholar
87 Futter A. Hacking the bomb: nuclear weapons in the cyber age. New Orleans, 2015.
88 Cimbala SJ. Nuclear deterrence and cyber: the quest for concept. Air Space Power J 2014;87–107.
Google Scholar
89 Jervis R, Lebow RN, Stein JG. Psychology and Deterrence. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985.
Google Scholar
90 Goldgeier JM, Tetlock PE. Psychology and international relations theory. Ann Rev Polit Sci 2001;4:67–92.
Google ScholarCrossref
91 Yoshihara T, Holmes JR, eds. Strategy in the Second Nuclear Age: Power, Ambition, and the Ultimate Weapon. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2012.
Google Scholar
92 Kristensen HM, Norris RS. Status of world nuclear forces. Federation of American Scientists 2016. http://fas.org/issues/nuclear-weapons/status-world-nuclear-forces (5 June 2016, date last accessed)
Google Scholar
93 HP Security Research. Profiling an Enigma: The Mystery of North Korea’s Cyber Threat Landscape. HP Security Briefing. Hewlett-Packard Development Company, August 2014. http://h30499.www3.hp.com/hpeb/attachments/hpeb/off-by-on-software-security-blog/388/2/HPSR%20SecurityBriefing_Episode16_NorthKorea.pdf.
Google Scholar
94 Jervis R. The Meaning Of The Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989.
Google Scholar
95 Rid T, Buchanan B. Attributing cyber attacks. J Strat Stud 2015;38:4–37.
Google ScholarCrossref
96 Jervis R. Perception and Misperception in International Politics. Princeton University Press, 1976.
Google Scholar
97 Tang S. The security dilemma: a conceptual analysis. Security Stud 2009;18:587–623.
Google ScholarCrossref
98 Buchanan B. The Cybersecurity Dilemma. London: Hurst, 2016.
Google Scholar
99 Long A. Deterrence-From Cold War to Long War: Lessons from Six Decades of RAND Research. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2008.
Google Scholar
100 Jervis R. The Illogic of American Nuclear Strategy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984.
Google Scholar
101 Van Evera S. Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999.
Google Scholar
102 Green BR, Long AG. Signaling with Secrets–Evidence on Soviet Perceptions and Counterforce Developments in the Late Cold War. In Cross-Domain Deterrence: Strategy in an Era of Complexity, Gartzke E, Lindsay JR (eds.), La Jolla, CA: Manuscript, 2016.
Google Scholar
103 Peterson S. Old weapons, new terror worries. Christian Science Monitor, April 15, 2004. http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0415/p06s02-woeu.html.
Google Scholar
© The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press

Elitists have created the myth of climate change to eliminate national sovereignty

The media drumbeat for the Green New Deal agenda and the many cries for government to reduce the carbon footprint to save the planet make you wonder where all this is coming from and why.

Some commentators fear that this is less a grassroots initiative and more a Power Elite agenda for reducing and eventually eliminating national sovereignty and creating their long-stated goal of a collectivist One World Government.

One answer lies largely in the 1968 creation and agenda of the “Club of Rome” some 50 years ago. It was founded during a meeting at David Rockefeller’s private estate in Bellagio, Italy.

Club members, including Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, George Soros, Bill Gates, Queen Beatrix of the Netherland,s and Mikhail Gorbachev, believe humanity requires “a common motivation, namely a common adversary” in order to realize their goal of world government. They choose the threat of environmental catastrophe. (Listen to: “The Club of Rome, Originators of the Global Warming/Climate Change Scam.”)

Ever since, the Club of Rome has been establishing a network of 33 national associations. and their many tentacles of influence have been systematically propagating their catastrophic future vision into the mainstream of global public opinion.

They have been doing this through their controlled mass media cartel as well as their philanthropic foundations and corporations to fund research grants to approved “scientists” to advance their hypotheses, including man-made global warming and the dying off of the polar bears, as being “settled science.”

Today their theories and proposed action plans have entered the educational establishment, think tanks, and activist organizations, the mass media, political action committees, and Capitol Hill.

Leading advocates include many public figures and such prominent Beltway representatives as Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) on the Senate Committee on Appropriations and Congressman Paul Tonko (D-NY) the chairman of the House Subcommittee on Environment and Climate Change.

What is veiled from the inattentive majority is the role of elitists, who are leaders in finance, corporations, foundations, think tanks, universities, and mass news and entertainment media, as well as in civil government.

Sociologist G. William Domhoff’s book, “Who Rules America,” demonstrates that public policy agenda-setting, “begins informally in corporate boardrooms, social clubs, and discussion groups, where problems are identified as ‘issues’ to be solved by new policies. It ends in government, where their policies are enacted and implemented.”

The initial impetus for policy change and initial resources for research, planning, and formulation come from corporate and personal wealth channeled into tax-free foundations, universities, policy-oriented think tanks, and non-governmental organizations in the form of endowments, grants, and contracts.

Moreover, corporate presidents, directors, top wealth holders, key advisors, and their lawyers also sit on the governing boards of many such institutions to guide and monitor the progress of their plans.

Some observers say that what appears to be an organic, grassroots, bottom-up movement is actually a well-oiled, top-down machine. They point out that funding is selectively provided by their philanthropic foundations and charities. One of the many Council on Foundations’ Affinity Groups, namely the Environmental Grantmakers Association, is the funding epicenter of the environmental movement.

This has been documented by a report from the Congressional Committee on Environment and Public Works on how a club of billionaires and their foundations control the environmental movement.

According to its own website, the Club of Rome is composed of “scientists, economists, businessmen, international high civil servants, heads of state and former heads of state from all five continents who are convinced that the future of humankind is not determined once and for all and that each human being can contribute to the improvement of our societies.”

The Club of Rome is advancing the agenda of Thomas Malthus who argued that population was held within resource limits by two types of checks: 1) positive ones, which raised the death rate, and 2) preventative ones, which lowered the birth rate. The positive checks included hunger, disease and war; the preventative checks, abortion, birth control, prostitution, homosexuality, postponement of marriage, and celibacy.

Their vision, as stated in their 1991 publication, “The First Global Revolution: A Report to the Club of Rome,” reads “In searching for a new enemy to unite us, we came up with the idea that pollution, the threat of global warming, water shortages, famine and the like would fit the bill. All these dangers are caused by human intervention, and it is only through changed attitudes and behavior that they can be overcome. The real enemy then, is humanity itself.”

In his memoirs, David Rockefeller (1915-2017), the founder-funder, wrote: “For more than a century ideological extremists at either end of the political spectrum have … attacked the Rockefeller family for the inordinate influence they claim we wield over American political and economic institutions.

“Some even believe we are part of a secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and me as ‘internationalists’ and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more integrated global political and economic structure — one world, if you will. If that’s the charge, I stand guilty, and I am proud of it. The supranational sovereignty of an intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the national auto-determination practiced in past centuries.”

And that is why the well-funded Green Socialism’s drumbeat continues to intensify.

Victor Porlier

East Berne

Editor’s note: “It is extremely likely that human influence has been the dominant cause of the observed warming since the mid-20th century,” concluded the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in its Fifth Assessment Report in 2013. These findings are not disputed by any scientific body of national or international standing.

https://altamontenterprise.com/09252019/elitists-have-created-myth-climate-change-eliminate-national-sovereignty

True Cyber Warfare Raging Worldwide: Ransomware, Twitch, GhostShell, The Telegraph UK, IBM, Azure

HIGH TREASON: COINBASE IS OFFICIALLY IN BUSINESS WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY

The essence of a cryptocurrency is spelled out, literally, it’s right there: Crypto, meaning secret. Bitcoin circa 2008/2009, the peer-to-peer, digital medium of exchange which both:

  • Assures user confidentiality/anonymity.
  • Makes available a public ledger open to the users to disclose the nature of each and every last transaction – full transparency of historical transactions.

This was indeed unique. Individual users are able to conceal their privacy. Blockchain technology allows for a real-time distributed ledger. This ledger is available on a decentralized network of computers shows exactly how much Bitcoin is out there; preventing people from spending the same token twice (amongst other safeguards).

Many people came to immediately appreciate this unique viability. This duality is what allowed for a medium of exchange that could function outside of the traditional, usurious banking system.

Many people that were the early users saw that this feature set was compromised early, a decade ago, when Bitcoin and many other cryptocurrencies soon thereafter became mechanisms of investment speculation – Blockchain technology is what the original institutional investors saw as the selling point to their clients in the financial market landscape.

Many people saw that the rise of cryptocurrency exchanges as having both benefits and drawbacks, an exchange such as Coinbase.

And as of last year, many users could see that the entity Coinbase, with it’s IPO, is now bringing the world of regulatory compliance – with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) being that first layer of such compliance. This really changes the face of “cryptocurrency”.

And now this: Coinbase has entered into a contract with the United States’ Department of Homeland Security. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement branch of the U.S. Homeland Security has given a $1.36 million contract to crypto exchange giant Coinbase for “business application” and “application development software”

This vague language is pertains to surveillance. As evidenced here (from the Federal Procurement Data System online database):

And it turns out that Coinbase has already engaged in a handful of deals directly with the surveillance apparatus:

There have already been a handful of contracts with the government – in the name of surveillance. I spent nearly a decade working in the belly of the beast of the world of finance capital. I can see where this is going. This is the beginning of a long and beautiful relationship between publicly traded cryptocurrency exchanges and surveillance, secret police-types.

As a matter of fact, one does not have to have had a single day of experience working in the field. Any proper dissident can see what is happening here.

The deal inked on September 16, 2021 was the first one I have referred to in this blog post. This is the beginning of the end of cryptocurrencies.

The very same Department of Homeland Security that is currently set to monitor all “domestic, Far-Right, White nationalist, extremist (etc etc with their labels)” is now slowly permeating into oversight and monitoring of the use of the once legit, now so-called cryptocurrency realm.

Cryptocurrencies had the potential to completely gut and render the current central banking system and it’s failed USD reserve currency arrangement right through the ground. But no longer. And this is exactly why the mother of all bombs blast potential must be drained from cryptocurrencies, by our ever-increasing technocratic, oligarchical, corporatist state of surveillance capital in the coming age of Davos-flavored Communitarianism.

My prediction is that all unregulated cryptocurrencies will result in confiscation within two years. Or, upon potential arrival of an IMF-backed, universal digital currency implemented worldwide – all cryptocurrencies will be neutered overnight.

Lebanon Is Under Maximum Pressure, and the Target Is Hezbollah: Iran Sends Its Support • Katehon

Lebanon is under unprecedented economic and social pressure, paying the price for Hezbollah’s military capability that causes a threat to “Israel”. The options offered by those (US, EU and “Israel”) effectively participating in cornering Lebanon -notwithstanding decades of domestic corruption and mismanagement – are limited to two: either disarm Hezbollah or push Lebanon toward a failed state and civil war. However, the “Axis of the Resistance” has other options: Iran has responded to the request of Hezbollah Secretary-General Sayed Hassan Nasrallah by regularly sending to Lebanon food supplies and medicine. It is now sending oil tankers, which are expected to reach the country in the coming weeks via the Syrian port of Tartous. Iran is rushing to support one of its strongest allies in the “Axis of the Resistance”, Hezbollah, which is suffering severe domestic pressure, as are the entire Resistance Axis members in their respective countries. Hezbollah’s supporters of all persuasions are affected by the acute socio-economic crisis. But will Hezbollah succeed in overcoming the inevitable result of the current long-term crisis? How serious are the challenges?

In one of his private meetings, Sayed Nasrallah said: “Israel considered that Hezbollah’s military capability constituted a “vexing danger” at the first years of its existence. The level of danger moved up to “challenge” in 2000 when “Israel” withdrew from Lebanon, to the “serious menace” level after the 2006 war, and to “existential danger” after the wars in Syria and Iraq.”

In line with what the Secretary-General of Hezbollah believes, it is common knowledge that “Israel” possesses nuclear weapons. Therefore, no other power in the Middle East can be considered an “existential threat” to “Israel”. However, according to the Israeli military leadership, Hezbollah possesses accurate missiles carrying hundreds of kilograms of explosives each. Thus, Hezbollah needs only ten missiles – not hundreds – to hit 6 electric stations and 4 water desalination plants over the entire geography to render life impossible for a vast number of Israelis. The Israeli leadership stated that there is no need to count the precision missiles that could hit any oil platform, ship or harbour and destroy any airport control tower in any future war.

Consequently, there will be not many Israelis willing to stay, and it is conceivable to believe that a considerable number of Israelis would leave. This scenario constitutes an existential threat to “Israel”, indeed. In this case, as the military command says, “Israel” will never be able to coexist with such an existential threat looming over its head generated from the other side of the Lebanese border. Hezbollah possesses hundreds of precision missiles spread over a wide area in Lebanon, Syria, and mainly along the fortified eastern mountainside that offer ideal protection for these missiles. So what are “Israel’s” options?

Following the failure to subdue Hezbollah in 2006 in the 3rd war, the victory of the “Axis of Resistance” in the Syrian conflict, the prevention of the division of Iraq and the fall of Yemen under Saudi Arabia’s control, the area of ​​influence of the Resistance Axis expanded, as well as its theatre of operations. Consequently, the danger to “Israel”, to the US’s goals and hegemony in West Asia, significantly increased.

The nuclear dossier is not that far away from the threat the “Axis of the Resistance” is confronted with. By increasing its nuclear capability, Iran forced President Joe Biden to put the nuclear negotiation at the top of its agenda during (former) President Hassan Rouhani’s mandate. Whatever has been said about the possibility of future progress in the nuclear talks in Vienna, lifting sanctions on Iran – while Iraq is labouring under heavy financial debt, Syria is subjected to a severe economic blockade, and Lebanon faces a becoming degraded state -seems unrealistic to the US.

To the west and “Israel”, releasing Iran’s frozen funds – which exceed $110 billion – at a time of maximum financial pressure and heavy sanctions, is not logical. Moreover, allowing Iran to sell and export its oil and lifting the maximum pressure means that all the previous US efforts to curb Iran’s will and progress are due to fail just when the results of these sanctions are turning in favour of the US in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.

Consequently, maintaining economic pressure on the “Axis of Resistance” has become a US necessity and strategy. With this in mind, the US failed to comply with the nuclear agreement, to improve the leverage of the US negotiator and impose its conditions over Iran to include, above all, its relationship with its allies and the maintenance of hundreds of sanctions in place.

With the arrival of President Ibrahim Raisi to power and his plans to give little time for the nuclear negotiation, the US sees itself faced with two very bitter choices: either allowing Iran to become a nuclear power or removing all sanctions so as to persuade Iran to delay its entire nuclear capability. Both decisions are impossible choices and inconvenient for the US administration. Thus, the US needs to hit Iran’s allies without negotiating with Tehran, because it refuses to include it – as well as Iran’s missile program – in any nuclear talks.

Suppose the maximum pressure on Lebanon fails to weaken Hezbollah. In that case, Washington needs to evaluate future steps to choose between the nuclear threat or the “Axis of the Resistance” threat to “Israel”. And if the US opts for the 2015 nuclear agreement –which is unlikely – then “the Axis of Resistance” will experience a strong revival, recovering from the extreme US pressure. Whatever America’s choice is, it has become more than evident that Iran will eventually become a nuclear power and offer more than adequate support to its allies to keep them strong enough to face whatever challenges.

In Lebanon, Hezbollah cannot provide and has no intention of replacing the services provided by the state. Nevertheless, it is involved in the food supply through “al-Sajjad” cards delivered to families needing to buy food at a sharply reduced price, which raised the number from 150 000 to 200 000. It is supporting thousands of families who have reached the level of extreme poverty. Moreover, Hezbollah brought medication from Iran (more than 500 types) to cover some of the country’s needs when pharmacies are closing their doors and lacking essential medical supplies.

Furthermore, in the coming weeks, Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah have agreed on delivering Iranian oil to Lebanon. Hezbollah will receive the gasoline from the supply to its forces and for covering its daily movements. Hospitals are at the top of the list of those expected to receive the Iranian oil distributed by Hezbollah to prevent their shutting down. Many hospitals closed more than half of their departments. Other medical facilities transferred their patients to hospitals that still have fuel to generate electricity for the next few days. In various parts of Lebanon, hospitals are asking many patients to leave due to the lack of diesel fuel for electricity. The American University of Beirut Medical Centre stopped ventilators and other lifesaving medical devices for the lack of fuel oil.

Also, Hezbollah is expected to deliver Iranian oil to the owners of tens of thousands of private electric generators. The lack of electricity in the country boosted the presence of thousands of privately-owned generators who, for decades, offer their paid services to compensate for the lack of electricity. These are expected to benefit from the oil delivered by Hezbollah to secure electric power supply for people. The shortage of diesel fuel for the owners of generators reached a critical degree in the current hot summer, raising the level of discontent among the population.

Also, diesel fuel will be provided to some municipalities to secure waste removal from the streets for fear of the spread of disease. Al-Amanah Company is also expected to distribute the Iranian oil and diesel to dozens of stations approved by it and other local gasoline stations spread throughout the Lebanese territory.

But Hezbollah will not satisfy everyone in the country and is not able to prevent internal deterioration within the Shia society (-the majority of Shia stand with Hezbollah, but there are others in the Amal movement under the control of Speaker Nabih Berri and not Hezbollah) in the first place and among its allies in the second place. The social decline is at a peak, and Iran’s support is insufficient unless Iran fully achieves its own recovery – if sanctions are fully lifted – and its domestic economy recovers. As far as it concerns Iran, the consent to its allies is mandatory because the “Axis of the Resistance” is united and all share the same vocation.

However, it is not in Iran’s capability to take on the entire burden of Syria and Lebanon’s economy. Iran supported Syria financially throughout the decade of war but is in no position to finance all the needs of the state. Also, Hezbollah started as a popular resistance force against the Israeli occupation, intending to impose deterrence and protect the state from Israeli violations and ambitions. It has been heavily involved in social support to the deprived Shia sect and managed to cover many infrastructure and service holes left by the incapability of the state. But the challenge faced in the last couple of years is beyond Hezbollah’s competencies and probably beyond the means of the state itself.

It should be borne in mind, though, that the flow of the Iranian oil into Lebanon carries with it several potential risks:

First: The risk of an Israeli strike on the supply lines. This will require Hezbollah to strike back “Israel” to maintain the balance of terror and deterrence equation. The tension in the military situation between “Israel” and Hezbollah will reach its climax without going to an all-out war because “Israel” prefers “campaigns between wars” to control the damage that may result from the confrontation. However, if “Israel” strikes the Iranian oil tankers or other countries try to stop the oil from reaching Lebanon, Iran would reply and it is not expected to stop sending its tankers to Lebanon.

Second: The supply route passes through areas not controlled by Hezbollah. What will the other anti-Hezbollah groups do? Will Hezbollah find a solution to convince the (hostile) Druze, Sunni and Christians spread along its supply road to avoid intercepting its trucks, or would it be forced to face groups and be dragged into an internal battle? How will Hezbollah guarantee the cohesion of its areas from the Beqaa to the southern suburbs of Beirut and even to the South of Lebanon so that its environment would be safe from the sectarian incitement the US manipulates and drags the country toward it?

There is no doubt that Lebanon is heading toward the dissolution of the state in a fast-paced manner. This will lead to the security forces’ weakness in general and push each sect or party to provide the necessary support to the membership of its society. Lebanon is expected to live again in the 1980s era when social services were reduced, waste spread in the streets, health and education levels declined, security forces were inefficient and hopeless, and warlords were emerging out of it.

From a specific aspect, the US-Israeli blockade is relatively in the interests of Hezbollah because it receives its financial support in foreign currency. Hezbollah is a regular and coherent organisation, and it will increase its revenue from the sharp devaluation of the local currency, the selling of medicine, oil and food. Hezbollah is expected to sell gasoline and diesel at prices relatively lower than the market price. Furthermore, it is also expected to allow other areas in Lebanon to have access to all the reached products. That will permit Hezbollah to expose greedy Lebanese merchants who monopolise and stockpile medicines and gasoline to starve the market and increase prices. These Lebanese merchants will be forced to sell their goods if these are no longer a rarity in the market. The goods are currently sold on the black market at prices unaffordable to the majority of the inhabitants.

What Lebanon is suffering from is the result of decades of corruption conducted by the US friends who held the political power in the country. The downgrading of Lebanon is primarily due to the US and Israeli interventions and influence in this country: It has lost the name “Switzerland of the East” forever. The disadvantage for Hezbollah will be the security chaos, the fragmentation of the security forces and their inability to impose their authority, and the spread of poverty to hit all walks of life. It is also expected to see the country suffer different sabotage acts, bribes, further corruption- and to become a fertile platform for the Israeli intelligence to operate in. A possible and potential scenario will force Hezbollah to “clean up” the roads to ensure the continuity of its supplies, link all Shia areas together and impose “self-security” to reduce their vulnerability.

Time’s arrow cannot be reversed, and Lebanon will not return to what it was before, not for the next ten years at least. There is a possibility to create Lebanese cantons with different warlords without engaging in a civil war. Each Lebanese party would end up arming its group to support its people and area, not to engage in a battle with other parties, but to defend itself.

The collapse is the master of the situation. The US has prevented Lebanon from benefiting from Chinese and Russian offers to rebuild the country and stop it from deteriorating further. Moreover, the US forbad Europe and the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries from helping Lebanon in this crisis as they used to in the past. After all, Lebanon needs 3 to 4 billion dollars to stand on its feet and regain some of its strength after halting subsidies on various items that gobble up its cash resources.

But the challenge remains for the “Axis of Resistance” members, struggling to survive and resist the US hegemony and confront the US projects to dominate West Asia. Unless the “Axis of Resistance” members take the initiative and move from a defensive to an offensive position and impose new equations that prevent starvation of the population, this pressure will remain and even increase with time. However, supposing the US pressure is maintained, and the “Axis of the Resistance” adopts only survival mode: In that case, Lebanon’s people and the country’s stability will pay an increasingly heavy price, both now and in the years to come.

https://english.almayadeen.net/articles/opinion/lebanon-is-under-maximum-pressure-and-the-target-is-hezbolla

Source: Lebanon Is Under Maximum Pressure, and the Target Is Hezbollah: Iran Sends Its Support

Cyber Variant – Asymmetrical Warfare/Multiple Fronts (update): Lithuania, US Congress, UK Police, Ethereum, Microsoft, Deep Fakes, Bots, Agriculture Cyber Risk

Cyber World War – Multiple Fronts – UK, US, AMD, Intel, Crowdfunding, Prometheus TDS, Bot Net, Magecart, Popsicle Finance Android, Microsoft, ProxyShell, Phishing, Ransomware

Attackers Scan for Microsoft Exchange ProxyShell Remote Code Execution Vulnerabilities

Tyranny Comes to America: CDC Proposes Concentration Camps as a COVID Measure

The adverse effects, that is, the illnesses and deaths associated with the Covid vaccines, are showing up in large numbers before the Big Pharma medical establishment can vaccinate everyone.  Consequently, the medical establishment and the compliant presstitutes are ramping up the fear and pushing ahead faster to achieve their agendas before the dire consequences of the […]

Tyranny Comes to America: CDC Proposes Concentration Camps as a COVID Measure

UNC215, an alleged China-linked APT group targets Israel orgs

A China-linked cyber-espionage group has targeted Israeli organizations and government institutions in a campaign that began in January 2019.

The attacks were detailed by cybersecurity firm Mandiant, the state-sponsored hackers used false flags in attempts to disguise themselves as Iran-linked threat actors.

Mandiant experts tracked the group as UNC215, its TTPs overlaps the China-linked APT27 cyberespionage group, but they have no sufficient evidence to say the the two groups are the same

“In early 2019, Mandiant began identifying and responding to intrusions in the Middle East by Chinese espionage group UNC215. These intrusions exploited the Microsoft SharePoint vulnerability CVE-2019-0604 to install web shells and FOCUSFJORD payloads at targets in the Middle East and Central Asia. There are targeting and high level technique overlaps with between UNC215 and APT27, but we do not have sufficient evidence to say that the same actor is responsible for both sets of activity.” reads the report published by Mandiant. “APT27 has not been seen since 2015, and UNC215 is targeting many of the regions that APT27 previously focused on; however, we have not seen direct connection or shared tools, so we are only able to assess this link with low confidence.”

The UNC215 group exploited typically a flaw in Microsoft SharePoint, tracked as CVE-2019-0604, to compromise vulnerable installs.

Once gained initial access to the target infrastructure, the attackers performed an extensive internal network reconnaissance and harvested credentials to conduct additional malicious activities. Experts reported that the attackers also used a non-public network scanner named WHEATSCAN along with custom malware such as FOCUSFJORD web shell and HYPERBRO to spy on internal systems and maintain persistence within the target organizations.

UNC215
The group was very sophisticated and spent a significant effort to fly under the radar, such as removing malware artifacts. The attackers also use to insert in the artifacts foreign language strings as false flags.

“The use of Farsi strings, filepaths containing /Iran/, and web shells publicly associated with Iranian APT groups may have been intended to mislead analysts and suggest an attribution to Iran. Notably, in 2019 the government of Iran accused APT27 of attacking its government networks and released a detection and removal tool for HYPERBRO malware.” continues the report.

In some attacks, UNC215 also used an Iranian hacking tool that was leaked on Telegram in 2019.

The interest of Chinese groups in the Israeli ecosystem is not surprising, Chinese companies have invested billions of dollars into Israeli technology startups.

Chinese organizations are also working on important construction projects in Israel such as the railway between Eilat and Ashdod, a private port at Ashdod, and the port of Haifa.

“The activity detailed in this post demonstrates China’s consistent strategic interest in the Middle East. This cyber espionage activity is happening against the backdrop of China’s multi-billion-dollar investments related to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its interest in Israeli’s robust technology sector.” concludes the report. “China has conducted numerous intrusion campaigns along the BRI route to monitor potential obstructions—political, economic, and security—and we anticipate that UNC215 will continue targeting governments and organizations involved in these critical infrastructure projects in Israel and the broader Middle East in the near- and mid-term.”

$611 Million Stolen in Poly Network Cross-chain Hack – from Security Affairs

August 10, 2021 By Pierluigi Paganini

The cross-chain protocol Poly Network has been hacked, threat actors stole $611 million making this hack the largest DeFi hack to date.

The cross-chain protocol Poly Network disclose a security breach, threat actors have stolen over $611 million in cryptocurrencies.

The attackers have transferred hundreds of million dollars worth of Binance Chain, Ethereum, and Polygon assets into their wallets.

The Poly Network protocol allows swapping tokens across multiple blockchains, including Bitcoin and Ethereum and Ontology.

The attackers

The assets has stolen $273 million worth of Ethereum tokens, $253 million in tokens on Binance Smart Chain and $85 million in USDC on the Polygon network.

“Since the theft, Tether has blacklisted the USDT on Ethereum that was stolen in the attack, roughly $33 million in tokens. That means they can no longer be moved. (USDT is a centralized stablecoin that can be frozen at will by the company behind it, similar to other stablecoins like USDC.)” states TheBlockCrypto website.

Researcher Igor Igamberdiev from the The Block speculates that the root cause of the hack was a cryptographic issue, in the cryptocurrency protocol, what is a rare case.

Blockchain security firm SlowMist issued an alert announcing that they have already determined the attacker’s ID. The experts claim to have discovered the attackers email address, IP information and device fingerprint.

The threat actors have employed the following wallets:

ETH: 0xC8a65Fadf0e0dDAf421F28FEAb69Bf6E2E589963
BSC: 0x0D6e286A7cfD25E0c01fEe9756765D8033B32C71
Polygon: 0x5dc3603C9D42Ff184153a8a9094a73d461663214
Some cryptocurrency exchanges announced they are aware of the hack and will do all the best to identity and block illegal transactions associated with the hack.

Follow me on Twitter: @securityaffairs and Facebook

Great Entries on Bomb Thrower Blog

What is the new authoritarianism in the West? – from Big Tech Drone and IoT Surveillance

Source: Here

People associate authoritarianism with violent oppression, the secret police coming for your neighbors at night. But oppression is only a tool, a means to an end: money and power. Violent oppression costs a lot of energy, and it can backfire, so intelligent tyrants will naturally try to avoid visible oppression as much as possible if they can control common people without using (excessive) physical force.

Tyrants in the past had to use brutal violence to create so much fear in the minds of common people that almost nobody dared to become rebels. This primitive method of “crowd control” is not necessary today. High-tech mass surveillance, based on mobile phones, CCTV cameras, and cashless transactions, in addition to monitoring events from the sky, have given Western CorpStates so much power that they can easily control people without using much physical force. This surveillance, which is gradually becoming omnipresent, is overpowering in such a degree that most educated persons see no point rebelling against it. They are hopeless. But if a very tiny minority of naive and brave rebels decide to fight the new surveillance regime it will be relatively easy for the police to locate them, using drones and receiving information from snitching family members. FBI asks people to spy on friends and family members. That’s how the Stasi operated, but in a less high-tech manner.

New York Post:

FBI urges monitoring of ‘family members and peers’ for extremism

The Washington Post:

Pushed to the edge by the Capitol riot, people are reporting their family and friends to the FBI

Critics may argue that nobody forces people to use cell phones. But when over 90% of the population have mobile phones it will be relatively easy for intelligence agencies to notice when an already identified political activist goes off the grid. They see it on their screens when his/her phone is turned off. Other high-tech detection methods can then be used to track him or her. CCTV cameras is the easiest way to follow a person in a city. Today you can’t do much rebelling in public without being filmed by citizens using smartphone cameras, though you can get away with (relatively low-intensity) rioting if ultra-liberal elites support it, cf Black Lives Matter in 2020.

We are only at the first or second stage of the new authoritarianism. What we observe today is just the beginning. In five or ten years there will be IoT sensors all over the place. Surveillance cameras will be much more effective too. They can already detect heartbeats. Forbes:

Novel Video Camera Can Monitor Your Heart Rate–Using Only Your Face

Wired:

New surveillance tech means you’ll never be anonymous again

“Your heartbeat and your breathing pattern are as unique as your fingerprint. A small but growing number of remote sensing technologies are being developed to detect vital signs from a distance, piercing through skin, clothes and in some cases even through walls.”

“In June, the Pentagon went public with a new laser-based system capable of identifying people at a distance of up to 200m. The technology, dubbed Jetson, uses a technique known as laser doppler vibrometry to detect surface movement caused by your heartbeat.” (…)

“Coats, walls, even rocks and rubble are no obstacle for another nascent surveillance technology, however. Researchers are hard at work developing radar-based systems capable of tracking vital signs for a range of purposes, from non-invasive monitoring of patients and aiding in medical diagnoses to finding survivors in search and rescue operations.” (…)

“But why bother installing new radars when we’re already bathed in a different sort of radiation pretty much all the time? Wi-Fi can also be used to locate individuals, identify their position in the room and whether they’re sitting or standing, and even track vital signs.” (…)

“Every person emits around 36 million microbial cells per hour, and human microbiomes are unique for a certain period of time (a 2015 study found that around 80 per cent of people could be re-identified using their microbiome up to a year later). This means that the constant trail of microbial traces we leave behind us, as well as those we pick up from our surroundings, can be used to help reconstruct a picture of a person’s activities and movements, like where they walked, what objects they touched and what environments they have been in.” (…)

“Amazon is perhaps the prime example for this blurring of the lines between private and government surveillance. Amazon has previously come under criticism for selling facial and emotion-recognition systems to police. More recently, it has been revealed that Amazon is partnering with hundreds of law enforcement agencies in the US, including giving them access to surveillance data gathered through its Ring home doorbell in return for police actively marketing the devices to the community.”

Only an authoritarian regime will develop the kind of insane surveillance methods described above. When surveillance is (almost) omnipresent, and today’s Western citizens are atomized, the new authoritarians only need to publish in corporate media that a group of dissidents are “extremists” before using surveillance to locate them and pick them up, one after the other, (using less lethal tasers) with little or no drama. If anybody protests online they can be shadow banned, if necessary. All instances of rebellion can be nipped in the bud.

A democracy can be defined as common people having de facto power to stop corrupt elites. Average citizens today lack the power to overthrow Machiavellian elites that accumulate unprecedented (financial) tech power while the rest get poorer. That’s why America and Europe today can be defined as being authoritarian, on the fast track to a surveillance tyranny nobody in 1950 could imagine was possible less than a century later.

Critics may argue that I can publish this article without being thrown in jail, and this proves that the West is not authoritarian.

Firstly, people in the West today do get jailed because of speech.

Secondly, everyone agrees that China is a tyranny, but in 2019 it was documented that people can buy 1984 and Brave New World in China. The Atlantic:

Why 1984 Isn’t Banned in China

The new authoritarians have so much surveillance power, and 95-97% of the population are so scared of this power that neoliberal tyrants feel confident that they can deal with online rage as long as only 0.5% dare to rebel against this panopticon regime in real life. The online screamers are like monkeys screeching in a zoo. The zookeeper doesn’t care. He can just watch them from a distance on his monitor, with the sound turned off. Smart tyrants don’t care what you say as long as you comply.

But neoliberal tyrants are not always that smart. Sometimes they overreact. They occasionally “radicalize” many people because of their “big stick” approach, instead of just “hide and bide” a few more years until their surveillance power is truly unbeatable. Resistance is still possible the next 3-4 years, at least in theory.

I’m not optimistic, but should you admit defeat and surrender to ultra-liberal despots? That’s not the right question from a culturally conservative perspective, because if you give up today you will quickly notice that life is empty and boring when everything around you is woke and libertine. A cultural conservative can’t enjoy today’s ultra-liberal entertainment for example. In this situation, rebellion becomes the new entertainment. Who cares if the fight is hopeless? A tragic but dramatic fight beats boredom. So keep fighting, and maybe we get lucky and actually win, against the odds. Make the resistance a good story worth living today.

VMware has Some Issues…

Common Types of Social Engineering Attacks – by Kaiti Norton July 29, 2021

Original Article: Here

Social engineering is a common technique that cybercriminals use to lure their victims into a false sense of security. Usually, social engineering involves impersonation, deception, and psychological manipulation that ultimately creates an environment where a victim feels either comfortable or pressured to share sensitive information or perform a specific action. As social engineering tactics become more advanced, it’s important to know how to identify them in the context of cybersecurity.

Social engineering in cybersecurity attacks:


Social engineering can manifest itself across a wide range of cybersecurity attacks:

  • Phishing
  • Smishing
  • Vishing
  • Whaling
  • Pharming
  • Baiting
  • Pretexting
  • Scareware
  • Deepfakes

Phishing
Phishing is a broad category of social engineering attacks that specifically target most businesses’ primary mode of communication: email. These types of attacks usually involve spoofed emails that attempt to impersonate a legitimate sender and convince the recipient to divulge confidential information or click a link or attachment that’s laced with malware.

The social engineering tactics involved with phishing aren’t very sophisticated, but they are effective. Most phishing attacks use only the name and sometimes the contact information of a trusted source. When combined with a feigned sense of urgency and fear, these details are often enough to convince the targeted victim to take the desired action.

Smishing
Smishing attacks are similar to phishing except they target victims via SMS rather than email. Smished messages usually contain links that launch a malicious site or download when tapped. Because it’s difficult to preview links that are in a text message, the hyperlinked text may be disguised as an email address, phone number, or other unassuming content a user might tap without hesitation. Smishing attackers typically use social engineering to deceive their victims by impersonating a mobile service provider or other “official” source.

Vishing
Vishing attacks are also similar to phishing and smishing, but these attacks target VoIP and telecommunications services rather than text-based mediums. Voice-based social engineering doesn’t usually attempt to impersonate someone the victim knows personally; instead, attackers try to convince their victims that they are calling from a larger, better known entity like the IRS or a debt collector. Then, the attacker asks the target to provide sensitive information, like their date of birth, Social Security number, or credit card information. In more aggressive cases, the attacker may try to convince the victim to send money via wire transfer.

Whaling
Whaling attacks are among the most successful cybersecurity attacks because they target a narrow pool of C-level executives. Instead of casting a wide net, whaling attackers identify the top staffers at an organization and collect as much information as they can about them. This may include a victim’s professional history and current job information as well as details about their personal life. Then, the attackers try to convince their targets to reveal information about themselves or their business so they might be able to gain access to broader business systems.

Pharming
Pharming attacks involve creating a redirect from a legitimate website to a malicious one. Usually this is accomplished either by deploying malware that changes the target computer’s host files, or by using a technique known as DNS cache poisoning. In the latter approach, attackers target the website hosting server and change the DNS table so that users are redirected to a fake website.

Pharming attackers use social engineering to make the fake website mimic the legitimate website as closely as possible so the visitor doesn’t realize they’re not in the right place. The longer a user is on the malicious website, the longer the attacker has to collect data or launch malicious software.

Baiting
Baiting attacks use physical input and output devices to compromise the victim’s security measures. For example, a baiting attack might involve a USB storage device that’s left on the ground or sent in the mail under the pretense of a giveaway. When the target connects the device to a computer to discover what’s on it, the device automatically launches a computer virus or other type of malware. A baiting scheme might use social engineering to attract victims by advertising something that’s free, or they might simply appeal to a target’s instinctual curiosity.

Pretexting
Unlike other attacks on this list, pretexting attacks require the attacker to gain a victim’s trust with an elaborate backstory. Technology is usually a catalyst for these attacks; for example, attackers might use social media bots to establish a convincing internet presence that supports the story they’re trying to tell. Pretexting attacks are usually played out over a period of time and typically use intricate social engineering strategies to convince the victim to send money or information.

Scareware
Scareware attacks use fear tactics to manipulate the target into believing their device or software is at risk. This is an emotion-based form of social engineering, as the attacker preys on the victim’s lack of confidence in their IT infrastructure. Scareware attacks may come in the form of a pop up that urges the victim to download a critical software “update” or an alert that their device may be compromised. Any action that the user takes in response usually results in a malware launch or a similar kind of attack.

Deepfakes
Deepfake attacks represent a sophisticated emerging trend in social engineering. Deepfakes leverage artificial intelligence and deep learning to make photos, videos, and voice recordings of the attacker impersonating someone important look and sound more convincing. In fact, well executed deepfakes are nearly impossible to correctly identify. Deepfakes are often used in conjunction with other social engineering strategies to deceive victims more effectively. This might look like fraudulent advertising, video calling, or more advanced attack mediums.

How to prevent social engineering attacks
There are many technologies that can help protect you and your business from social engineering attacks. If an employee mistakenly clicks a malicious link or downloads something they shouldn’t have, you should have measures in place to prevent an attacker from reaching your business-critical systems. These security tools include the DMARC protocol, zero-trust products, and next-generation firewalls.

However, the most effective way to prevent these kinds of attacks is to train your employees to spot social engineering tactics. Share examples of an attacker’s attempt to manipulate a target’s reaction to fear, greed, or altruism and highlight the indicators that it’s something more nefarious. Teach them how to be proactive about detecting an attack by hovering over links to verify the domain or scrutinizing a sender’s information before engaging with an email. Then, test their reactions to simulated attacks so you can address any vulnerabilities before a real attack happens.

LockBit 2.0 – Ransomware Uses Group Policies to Encrypt Windows Domains